Democrat Blowout and What to Do

conversations that matter podcast. I'm your host, John Harris. I don't know why I have these headphones on. I don't need them for the podcast.

I just feel comfortable with them. I don't know what I would do without them. I don't know what it is. You know, Russell Fuller asked me, how about that for important topics to start the podcast?

Russell Fuller asked me, so why do you wear those headphones? Those big headphones. I thought, you know, I don't know.

I just feel, they feel good. They're like earmuffs. It gets cold in New York. Okay. But, uh, all right,

I'm not going to wear them. We are going to talk about some important things though. Uh, let me tell you, it's, it's surreal a little bit.

Like, I don't know if I'm that surprised. It's just the two States. I'm the most familiar with politically that I have done more politically in that I am connected to people involved in politics more in that I understand the way the population dynamics work in the demographics, they're probably

New York and Virginia. And if you remember from a few years ago, there was a hit piece on me in.

I can't even remember what outlet it was. And I think the Huffington post, I was an insurrectionist. I was a slavery apologist.

Some of you remember this from 2021. And it wasn't because I was going after Democrats. It was because in a

Virginia primary, I went after Glenn Youngkin and it actually, it hurt him.

He almost didn't make it attributing all of that to me, but probably the, some of the best dirt for the

Republicans on Youngkin was coming from this podcast. And, and so I'll have to say,

I know how it works more or less in Virginia and New York more than any other

States. And I'm seeing the cope today on X, especially, but on Facebook, other social media platforms from Republicans.

And I'm just kind of shaking my head at the things that they're attributing this to.

So what I want to do is I want to get into some of the polling. I'll mix in some of my own experiences and observations from politics in both of these regions.

And then we'll draw some conclusions about what happened. And it wasn't just one thing. This is one of the, you know, temptations in politics is to reduce everything to one thing.

It's one issue. Sometimes there are overwhelming issues that cloud and overshadow everything else.

Oftentimes those there's a mixture of converging forces, especially with very diverse populations in large

States and Virginia and New York are very large States with very diverse populations and interests.

If I could boil it down to one thing, I'll just give you the spoiler here. I do think the economy was a big part of this.

I don't think it was the only thing, but I do think that you have the optics of Trump renovating, okay.

Destroying the East wing, putting in a new East wing, essentially. The cost of that.

I mean, this is, I don't think some people understand what that story is really about. This is the let them eat cake story.

That's what this is. Like you're hurting. And meanwhile, look what your government's doing during a shutdown. Um, price of groceries still high layoffs still happening.

Uh, it, the economy is not where it should be. It's not what people expected. And I think that did play a big part.

I don't think it's the only thing, but I do think that played a big part in what we saw last night. So I'll just give you that spoiler, but there's much more to say.

We are going to talk just a little bit about big Eva and I'm gonna get into the polling data here, the, the exit polls, and I do think they are accurate.

In fact, I think this morning, this is one of the rare times CNN's analysis of what happened last night is better than most of my ex speed on right leaning.

Uh, not just Christians, but just like, you know, more dissident right -leaning and, um,

I don't know, what word do I even use these days? Um, kind of out of the mainstream right -leaning takes on this.

So, uh, it's, it's just a little surreal. We got to get this right or else we're not going to know how to address it.

Right. We can't just double down on something that doesn't work, at least politically, uh, we can't do that.

And so that's what I want to talk about. That's where the podcast is going this morning. So Joseph Helton says, good morning from Georgia.

I'm so sorry, Georgia. I'm so sorry. I weep for Georgia here in wake forest. Aaron says the very liberal candidates cleaned house in the local elections.

Bad news. Yeah, it's, it's a sweep. There's a few silver linings, but they're all on very local levels.

And I thought about trying to like get a rally together. Let's show you the, it's like, it's, it's just going to depress you more.

It's like, oh yeah, we want to counsel seat over here. Or there, there was one in Virginia that was a, uh, that, that was a little more significant, but it was like city council or something.

Um, not a lot of silver linings here. So I'm going to just be real with you.

I think it's good to face reality when we need to. Uh, Layla Laughlin says, because Trump threw America first under the bus, because he's through a hedonistic.

I don't know what that word means. I don't know if I'm out of the loop. Um, uh,

Trump, I don't know. I don't know if I want to get into that too deeply. I don't think that's the explanation for all of this.

Did he throw at America first under the bus? He's done some things that I consider to be foolish, but he's also had some major successes.

And I think it's important to recognize in all of this, that wherever you're deriving your news from some of you get your news mostly from X.

And that's not where the majority of people are getting their information from the media still does have a stranglehold and it's not just the mainstream media, it's all the other social media networks and platforms.

So don't, you don't do the thing where you are just going to one source very heavily and thinking that reflects reality, it doesn't

Trump still has this media to contend with. And that's going to come into play as we analyze where to go next at the end of this podcast.

Um, pushing the Overton window has been the main thing, which say egregious things, make sure that you do it as loud as possible for everyone to hear.

Is that the way forward? Is that the way we win? Uh, how do we win? What does the left have?

They've had their freaks. They've had their people who are out of step with the mainstream, very far out of step.

What do they do with those people and how do they use them? That's one of the things I also want to analyze as we go forward, because I noticed something last night as I watched all the victory speeches and I did watch them,

I probably shouldn't have, it's like debating. I was sitting there on the couch. I was like, I really need to prep some things for this weekend, which

I will be doing today. I might be up late, but man, I think this is a harbinger of what's to come in the midterms.

And if we don't change our direction and our messaging and stuff. So that's what we're going to talk about.

And, uh, I hope that this is helpful. I'm glad you're here for the podcast. I always believe that Christ is reigning on his throne and we are here for such a time as this, and you have a part to play in whatever comes next and you need to stand up for the

Lord. You need to stand up for your people. And it's not much more complicated than that. Our responsibilities remain the same.

We're soldiers in the Lord's army. We're just here for a breath of time, but we stand on the shoulders of those who came before us and we will continue to stand on their shoulders.

Uh, those who have suffered much more adversity sometimes than even ourselves. So let's take some encouragement in the fact that we, our lives have significance and, uh, we're here for the fight.

We're here for the struggle. Thank you. Christopher green for the one 99. Uh, you could have asked a question, you know, um, hi,

I'm in Minnesota says trouble, I'm sweating slightly more went red in 24, but now what?

I think a lot of people are asking that New York, New Jersey and Virginia are blue States. I'm not surprised. That's one of the things

I keep seeing. It's like, well, they're blue States. Look at the margins though. This is where, um,

I think this is a blowout. This Virginia has been purple, but again, you just had a

Republican governor there. It's possible for Virginia to go red.

It's it's been within play. I don't know if that's going to remain the same anymore. Now people said that before Yunkin and then

Yunkin one, um, Yunkin also won by distancing himself from Trump in part. So I don't know.

Um, I think that it's worth analyzing what happened because even as, um,

I think someone already said it on the chat, even some of these red districts went blue or were not as red as they were before it is an off year.

I mean, you could chalk everything up to that. You'd say, well, it's just not our time. You didn't have Trump at the top of the ticket or something like that.

I think that would be foolish though, to make that the only level of analysis here. I mean, New York city, this is significant.

And then us New Yorkers, uh, who live here in New York, I get, you know, I'm, I'm a New Yorker cause I live in the state of New York and I've been aware and watching and involved at various levels in New York politics.

We all knew this was coming. We knew mom, Donnie was going to get it. There wasn't really a question in anyone's mind that I knew about that, but we also recognized he is as far left as New York city's ever gone.

I mean, this guy is truly a communist light.

If you want to even say light, I mean, he, his, some of his policies are absolutely insane, what he wants to do.

I mean, based effectively legalized prostitution, right? Economically, none of it really works.

His he's in the AOC Bernie Sanders wing of things. And for him to be the mayor over Cuomo, that's significant.

The lone bulwark were basically older white boomers in New York. Uh, the younger white men all went for him and especially millennials, but also

Gen Z. So we'll get into all of it. Let's do it. Let's do it. Let's get into it. We'll talk about reality and then how to address reality, right?

I think that's important for us. We're not just going to put our heads in the sand about this stuff. We just got it. We got to know what we're dealing with.

So what are we dealing with? All right, well, let's start here. Uh, this is Virginia. Okay. This is from NBC, their exit polls with 94 .8

% reporting. You can see like most States, Hey, the majority looks red, right?

But of course you have these blue enclaves where there's urban areas, that kind of thing. And, uh, let's see where I'm just curious where, uh,

Bedford County is that's, uh, where I lived when

I was down there. I live close to Amherst, but Bedford County went nine. Let's see, uh, 75 % almost for, for Winsome Sears.

Not surprising 67 % in Amherst. Those are very red regions,

Lynchburg, um, over 50 % for Spanberger. So, uh, Lynchburg, Virginia, uh, went blue again.

And, uh, it did, I think last time it did go red and now it's blue again. So, uh, there you go.

That's kind of unfortunate. That's where Lynchburg, Virginia is where Liberty university is, but you could see, yeah, a lot of this is red.

And this is if I could draw a line, like I draw one right here. I don't know if people can see my, uh, cursor there, but, you know, kind of through the center of Virginia and just say, okay, here's real

Virginia. Let's sort of segment that off. And then, you know, if you didn't have the DC beltway, you, you would have, uh, it would be, still be a red state.

So let's get into the actual demographics here. So Winsome Sears, um, let's see exit polls, gender.

Okay. We'll start with gender, uh, the male vote, uh, 52 % for Winsome.

So it's, uh, it's like, you know, almost half the male vote went for the Democrat female vote overwhelmingly for the

Democrat, uh, white people. Uh, 53 % for the

Republican, 47 % for the Democrat, you know, Earl Sears versus Bamberger, which is, uh, again, razor's edge stuff here.

Now here's something that's interesting. And I think this is worth taking into account the black vote.

8 % went for Winsome Sears. Now Winsome Sears, this is one thing. I don't know if maybe people understand as much, she is black, but she's also

Jamaican. She's also a Republican. 92 % went for the

Jewish women, woman from New Jersey, 92 % of Virginia blacks went for the

Jewish woman from New Jersey, 8%, if we're just doing the identity thing here, right, 8 % went for the

Jamaican, uh, woman. So this is kind of,

I thought this was beyond what I thought it would be. I thought Winsome Sears would be able to pull in maybe a few more black people, but, uh, no cigar there.

Hispanic, Latino, overwhelmingly for the Democrat, Asian, overwhelmingly for the

Democrat. Uh, so essentially this is going to come down to in Virginia with a higher evangelical population and a little bit of a higher white population, certainly more than New York city.

Um, it's going to be the white Christians who mainly voted for Winsome Sears. And it's, it's, you know, lone bulwark territory.

Uh, I think there was another, let's see, was there another analysis

I wanted to pull from this? See, this is New York. I thought I had something else on Virginia.

I wanted to share with you, let's see if I can find it here. Yeah. Here's one more other thing to share with you about Virginia.

The Trump's approval numbers in Virginia are 39 % overall, uh, in New York city, 26 %

New Jersey, 42%. I mean, he has low approval numbers, but in Virginia, 39 % is that's pretty dismal.

When the Republican president is that unpopular, um, then you're going to have some problems.

Now, Jay Jones is, this is interesting. Jay Jones, who was the one with the text messages in from 2022, where he was caught essentially saying that he would want, he'd be fine with murdering or having murdered the, uh, children of his opponent,

Jay Jones, uh, was did poorly compared to Spamburger.

He won with 52 .8 % of the vote over Jason. Um, your

Aries, if I'm saying that right, I think I am 60, which he had 46 .8. If you look at the overall

Spamburger had 57 .2

% over winsome Sears, 42 .6. So Jay Jones did take a hit for what he said, but it wasn't enough.

And so some of the hot takes today about like the Democrats will vote for you. Um, almost like, because you are calling for the murder of the children of their opponents, it's more like the

Democrats will win. We'll vote for you despite that. And not all of them.

In fact, if this was a different year, Jay Jones would have not won. He, that did become a liability. It just that Trump's popularity was so low and, uh, the,

I think economic concerns mostly, um, outweighed that.

And, you know, I have a text message. I'm getting some text messages from a friend of mine who is involved in Virginia politics.

He's been involved at very high levels, understands exactly, especially I've asked him questions about young Republicans and so forth, and he's always been very helpful and he was telling me some things this morning

I thought were interesting. Just like he's, everyone's kind of, um, frustrated and upset, right.

But people he knew that were pro second amendment that, you know, otherwise maybe would have voted for Trump voting for the

Democrat and why is that what's going on? Uh, there, how come there is people that broke and it may be, and it's the economy, stupid type of reasoning.

And I've said this, I don't remember. I said it a few months ago. I think that I think we, I predicted that we might be heading.

We may very well be heading into a midterm season where it is really and it's the economy, stupid, uh, type of issue.

Not that that's the number one or not that it's the only issue, but it may be the main concern and the thing that's going to peel off people who would otherwise vote for someone like Trump.

To vote for a Democrat because they're not seeing their lives improve in the ways that they expected.

The tariffs didn't turn out the way that Trump sold them. And then they're watching the optics of, uh, the

East wing and they're just wondering, okay, Trump's got peace in the middle East, but what about my life?

What about my groceries? Right? This is, and that's the messaging that the Democrats capitalized on.

I watched the speeches last night. It was totally different than just a few years ago.

They weren't doing the DEI thing. You didn't even hear that kind of thing. There's this one clip of mom,

Don, me going around where he starts talking about the demographics in New York and how he cares for these various diversity, you know, driven demographics.

That's the population of New York. That's what he's doing. He's no, he knows who he needs to appeal to.

He knows that he, and this has sort of been the, the, the boss mentality in New York for a long time.

Remember New York, Ellis Island, New York's always taken in the immigrants.

This is one, one thing you have to understand about New York. Um, New York, if there ever was a city, uh, uh, not a nation, but a, you know, a city of various people, nation of immigrants type situation would be

New York city and they filter out into different neighborhoods, different boroughs, uh, they, some of those gangster movies are accurate.

They do have turf wars with each other. They do have different interests. They will form coalitions and there's been a boss system there for a long time where you, you have a spoil system.

Whoever gets elected, whoever got you there, you owe them a favor. Now, Jewish people went for,

I didn't want to get into this yet. I'm getting into the New York city race. I'm still supposed to be talking about Virginia. I'm getting ahead of myself.

I'm going to temper. I'm going to come back to this. All right. I'm going to come back to this. Uh, all that to say the speeches last night were focused primarily on your checkbook on what's happening economically, the price of rent, the price of utilities, uh, very general populous messages.

I was actually even a little surprised almost, to be honest with you, that the, uh, governor, the governor elect of New Jersey started saying how much he cares about the heritage of the states.

And we got to get back to the state's motto. And I'm going to have civics education. Did any of you see that on social media?

That almost sounds right? Leaning like, who are we? Our identity? This is the governor elect

Democrat of New Jersey. She, it sounded like it could have been a right leaning speech for Ma for moderate right leaning people.

Center, right? That was their messaging guys. I'm telling you, even if you say, well,

I'm Don, he's such a socially, so radical, his messaging wasn't that though. He said crazy stuff.

Some of his policies were crazy stuff, but his target, his overriding message that he wanted people to resonate with was mostly an message of economics.

And yes, there were other issues that played into his favor, including the Palestine stuff. Why in the world, the conflict in the middle

East is an issue for people in New York city. That's a question that can be dived in, delved into.

I think the economy even, um, factors into that, but. It was a moderate message.

This, this was like, I felt, felt like I was watching Democrats from 2008 or something when elections with the way that their speeches went with just, it, it was like 2020 didn't happen.

Right. And this is going to get into our whole discussion later also about pushing the Overton window.

The Democrats are savvy when it comes to these things. And the Republicans tend not to be, we just don't.

So let's keep going here and get into some exit polls from New York city,

New York city, that's not where paste thick and chunky salsa is from. Some of you will get that.

Some of you won't. Um, here's the breakdown. Mom, Donnie, uh, got 50 % of the male, 50 % of the female and Cuomo and Curtis Lewa split the rest.

That's basically what happened. So if there's an encouraging thing, he only won half of the people there.

I guess you could say that now, how does this break down? Demographically mom, Domi got 46 % of whites.

Now, Latino is a different category. So it, you could say, um, that, you know, there, this is like white people that are non -Latino.

Now this is, this would be your, your New York city immigrants who are Italian and Irish.

And it's basically those who have identified as white on a survey. And Cuomo got 45%.

So mom, Domi got a plurality. Now that's not a majority. Curtis Lewa got 8%, right?

So if you combine Cuomo and Sliwa, then you'd have, uh, they're, they would have gotten more whites, but 46%.

That's still pretty high. That's pretty high. And, and the question in my mind is, okay, how does this break down generationally?

Now I didn't even have to look at the poll. I already knew I live two hours North of New York city.

I live near a college town that is primarily made up of people from New York and Long Island, many of them

Jewish, many of them Italian. I knew exactly how this panned out. I have every, you know, the weekends when

I go through this college town, there's protests against Israel and a good portion of the people in those protests are

Jewish and from New York city. And there it's the young, there's this, there's a young demographic and it, it almost doesn't matter where they break down ethnically.

They are primary, primarily tilted towards socialism. They are much more radical in their outlook, much more concerned about the economics that they will have to contend with in the future that they have high levels of, uh, consumer debt and they're looking for solutions.

They're looking for a way out. And someone like mom, Domi was speaking to them, um, black voters, 55 % for mom,

Donnie Latina voters, 49%, 61 % Asian. So he basically an Asian would include,

I think in this middle Eastern as well, which of course mom, Domi would have an edge there.

So overall, uh, 51 % on the survey of, uh, oh,

I'm sorry. Um, that's other racial ethnic groups, which is 5%. I'm not sure what that would represent, but he got, he, he, this was a blowout.

Uh, let's see for, let's, let's go to this gender and race.

Oh, gender by race. Okay. So white men, let's talk about this Cuomo. This is the only significant factor, really.

The only significant place where Cuomo actually won was with white men, 48 % to mom,

Dom, he's 43%. It's not exactly a huge.

Now, if you add in Curtis Lewa, then you have an extra 9 % that we're not in mom, Domi's camp, but still at 43%, that's still pretty high.

White women, mom, Domi one, um, black men, mom, Domi one, it goes down, you know, mom,

Domi one. This is another interesting category age. And this is what

I just from experience. I knew this was the case. For the 18 to 29 year olds, 78 % for mom,

Domi, the biggest factor in mom, Domi's favor wasn't even race and ethnicity.

That was a big factor, but age, age mattered even more. And the zoomers went hard for mom,

Domi. The millennials also went hard, not as high, but 66 % for mom,

Domi. Guess who didn't guess who went for Cuomo, the boomers and the gen

X and boomers, 47 % gen X, 56 % boomers for Cuomo.

This was an age thing more than anything else. Uh, now age by race.

Some of you are getting bored. Just stick with me. Age by race, white voters, 67 % in the 18 to 29 category for mom,

Domi. 67 % white zoomers.

White millennials, 68%, roughly even whites who are 45 to 64 and 65 and older than 48 % and 57 % respectively.

That was the lone bulwark in New York to stop mom, Domi. It was boomer whites, basically. Other demographics went for mom,

Domi age by gender men, 18 to 29%, 68 % for mom,

Domi men who remember millennials, 66 % for mom,

Domi Cuomo, 45 % of 53%. Uh, for Xers and boomers for Cuomo.

Now it's roughly even actually with mom, Domi and Cuomo for the Xers, um, when you're talking men.

Education is another huge category here. Uh, mom, Domi got 57 % of those with a bachelor's degree and advanced degrees,

Cuomo one in every other category. So this is another analysis I've been seeing out there is this was all, everyone's got their analysis.

Like it was all about level of education. See, or it's all about, um, uh, the, whether or not you're in a certain age demographic.

See, well, there can be more than one thing going on at the same time. I think age was the primary driver of this, but certainly education.

Is a huge part of this as well. You go through leftist bootcamp and you come out with a lot of debt.

That's going to affect how you vote. See if there's any other categories

I wanted to get to. Um, I don't think so.

Gender by party. Not really. Let's see, maybe religion. Um, Cuomo got, you know,

Protestant and Christian votes, 49 % Sliwa 7 % mom, Domi 42%.

So if you're religious, you're not as likely. Cuomo also got, um, 63%.

Now this is interesting. I'm gonna show you another headline about the Jewish vote, but of, uh, people who identified religiously as Jewish.

Okay. On a poll. So religion, these are the Jewish people like the Hasidics. These are people who say they're willing on a survey to say

I'm religiously Jewish, not an ethnic Jewish person. Who's an atheist. The biggest demographic from I'm Domi was the other religious affiliation and then bigger was the no religious affiliation, 70 % and 75 % for no religious affiliation.

So it's, so here, where are the trends in all this? It's the secularization. It's an education goes along with that.

And this is present in the younger voters. Um, and it's also, there's also identity politics that comes into play here to make up mom

Domi's coalition. Um, it looks like mom

Domi one in those with less than $50 ,000 a year. And those with $50 ,000 a year or more, both categories.

Um, now there was, he won a plurality in the less than 50 ,000 and a majority in the $50 ,000 or more.

So if you would have combined Sliwa and Cuomo with working class people, you would have actually been able to, uh, probably, or, or people with less income, you would have been able to stop them,

Domi the socialists, right? Those who are, have more money, why they go for socialism, right?

This is one of the things Republicans, I think sometimes get wrong. It's like, well, when we will learn the lessons, I mean, it's going to be so bad, people are going to learn the lesson because it's going to be so bad.

Well, true to an extent, but realize the people who are driving this are shielded from the effects of it generally.

All right. I think that's pretty much all I wanted to there. There's so many other ways to cut this cake, but that's, that's mostly what

I wanted to show you. Um, this comes down to in New York, I think this, there's a, there, there is a dip going on, like there is sort of a slowing of the

Democrats machine among Zoomer whites, and I think there's a lot of Republicans that want to make this like the biggest thing.

Like this, if you just cater to that one demographic because of a little bit of slippage among the

Democrats, that's going to make the difference. I think you should cater to the issues of young men for sure.

I think you can do that while having a broad appeal though. And I don't think that's the silver bullet in all of this.

The elections that we saw last night seem to indicate that, um, certainly when it's both men and women, it's still overwhelmingly

Democrat. And when it, when it's even just Zoomer men, it's not a huge, huge, significant thing, and I've been,

I've been tracking the polling on this, I know for at least two years, every time a new poll comes out, it seems like I trotted out on the show to say, okay, where's this going?

Because there does seem to be a kickback among Zoomer males. The question is, is it enough?

Uh, I think that's gotta be part of the Republican coalition, but it can't be the, the one demographic the

Republicans focus on. Like it's the only key to victory. And I'm saying this as a pragmatic political strategy.

I'm not saying this in a philosophical universal sense. I'm just saying, look at the numbers. What are you going to do?

Um, I think anyone who lived in New York knew this. And if you're sitting somewhere, like if you're sitting in the Midwest where the demographics are different and you import that into New York, you're just not going to understand exactly how this all works.

It, it does differ from state to state a little bit too. Every, all politics is local, right?

That's a saying that I think is true. And those on the ground who live in, in the area that I live in and then going

South towards New York city, I think all could tell that the young population and even many of the men in the younger population were more.

Attracted to the economics of the left. They thought that they would get a better shot. So you have two things going on.

You have the fact that the left has kicked young white men to the curb, especially you also have the fact that young white men want actual real tangible answers for the kind of economy they're facing, the promises.

They think that they were offered that if they just got a degree that they, the American dream would be there for them.

And when they find out that this doesn't happen. And when many of them come from broken households and they're not even instructed on how to use a credit card often, and they get themselves into binds, they want a way out and who is giving them a message that sounds like it's a way out.

Is it the Republicans or it's the Democrats? Mamdani is cat. He isn't trying to make them even part of his coalition.

And he is able to peel enough of them away. Despite the fact that the Democrats have gone after that demographic for so long that it, it sounds like he's got tangible answers.

He's going to stick it to the guys who kicked you to the curb. And of course you see all the, the boomers, again, the boomer whites, especially voting for mom,

Dommy. That's the demographic that the younger Zuma whites are probably the most bitter at.

And mom, Dommy, that's, that's the coalition that's against mom, Dommy do the math guys just, and there is a way to address this,

I believe, but it's going to have, it's going to require a co an actual coalition number one.

And it's also going to require a message, an economic message that is populist that will actually help these demographics get ahead.

And I don't see it happening. That's, I think, one of the biggest things that I'm noticing that's going to dispel the a demise of MAGA just on a purely pragmatic political level here.

Okay. All right. So those are the exit polls in New York. Here's a story that's interesting. Now, remember,

I showed you the religious Jews. This story is New York mayor elect mom. Found strong support among Jewish voters, though his record on Israel and antisemitism divided some

New York political and religious circles. Zoran mom, Dommy won a healthy thirty three percent of the city's Jewish vote, according to a

CNN exit poll. Maybe I think they're actually citing the same poll, so they are talking about religious

Jews. Let me see. His support was especially high among voters with no religious affiliation and those identifying with other religions, including

Muslims, but not Christians or Jews, alongside 40, 42 percent of Protestants or other Christian voters and 33 percent among Catholics.

Oh, let me go here. I'm trying to find where I don't know if we have the information where religious or nonreligious

Jews broke down. That's what I was most curious about. OK, 27 percent, let's see, religious blocks overall,

I'm hoping I'm reading this poll right. So it says among religious blocks, 21 percent of respondents identified as Protestant or other

Christian, 27 percent as Catholic, 15 percent as Jewish, 14 percent as other religions. OK, so Jewish in New York City, Jewish politics is important because of finance, but also they do make up a larger percentage of the population than the two percent in the rest of the

United States. They're actually 15 percent. And that's just the religious Jews right in New York, not including secular

Jews. And so this poll seems to indicate that.

A enough 33 percent of religious Jews went from Mamdani, and I don't have the information, but I'm I'm here to tell you because I just know from living here that that number of no religious affiliation, that 75 percent, there is a significant portion of that.

And I don't know exactly what proportion, because the poll doesn't tell me that would be secular

Jewish people. There's a lot of Jews in that. So overall, ethnically, I'm not sure. But Mamdani's anti -Israel stuff did not seem to hurt him with Jewish people.

And this is a surprise to many people who are living in other areas and have listened to various podcasts that conflate

Jewish power with the interests of Israel. And I've I've said this for years and I'm going to say it again.

I know this from firsthand experience. They are not the same. There are areas where these two things are are the same, but they are not universally the same.

The interests of Jewish people, secular Jewish people especially, but also religious

Jewish people and the interests of Israel are not parallel. And you can't make that mistake politically.

I think that Trump and the Republicans really thought that they could capitalize on this. We can prevent

Mamdani from getting it. He can't open the pocketbook books of Jewish donors. He won't get the Jewish vote because of all the things he said against Israel that actually helped him with the number of Jewish people.

I know I know I've been saying this for years, but it's hard to believe if you don't see it with your eyes and you're listening to just some very narrow range of sources.

But if you're in the Midwest and you're not being you're not seeing Jewish people on a regular basis, then you might be tempted to think that those things are the same.

They're not the same. And I think that if Republicans don't figure this out, it's going to be an

Achilles heel for them as well. It's not going to help. Nearly a million

New Yorkers ready to flee New York City if Mamdani becomes mayor, according to a poll.

This means this this is a direct issue for me.

OK, you know, talk about local politics. This is my local politics. If this is true.

All right. And you have. Eight point four million people in New York City and seven hundred and sixty five thousand of them leave because of Mamdani, which

I don't I think that's probably inflated, people say that and then the election comes and they don't do it, but enough of them will.

You know where they're going to go. They're going to go right to where I live. That's where they went after it. They'll come right up the Hudson River.

It happened once after 9 -11. It happened once after covid. And I think it's going to happen once again.

Maybe not quite as much, but it's going to happen again. It has changed completely the demographics of where I live right now completely.

The county that I grew up in was always red growing up there. It was it was somewhat suburban, but there was also some rural aspects to it.

My first job was on a farm. The demographics are completely different.

It's like going to a different country when I go and I tried to move out of that area to just get a little farther away from the congestion and just just everything that was changing in that area.

And it's coming now to where I live up the Hudson River. And there are people willing to they can either do the telecommute or they're willing to go the two hours, you know, down to New York City, one and a half hours, however long it takes for them on their commute.

One way. To avoid having to live there and or they'll try to find other work, they're going to come right to where I live, you know, or else they're going to go, they're going to go to the state of Tennessee, the state of Tennessee, and the reason for that is property values.

Ten years ago in New York, the common conversation was and I add this everywhere, I was a furniture repairman and I worked in New York for a little bit and I remember this.

You go into people's houses, a very common conversation was, are you going to go to Florida or are you going to go to North Carolina?

If you were retiring, you would go to Florida. If you were younger and you want an opportunity, you went to North Carolina. The conversations now are

Tennessee because you get more bang for your buck in Tennessee. I'm telling you, that's where they're going, guys, so if you are living in Tennessee, be prepared now.

Some of them are going to go to Virginia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, be prepared for that as well.

It is going to be a cultural difference, even if they're right leaning, it is going to be a cultural difference and it will change the property values.

It will change things like what kind of services they want. It will change whether or not there's enough volunteer firefighters.

It will change the percentage of people who are religious to non -religious because even the right leaning

New Yorkers tend to not be as religious. It's. I know it's all black pills today, but it's that's the reality, and this is one of the reasons

I was like, well, my property values will go up, so will my taxes. I was. Hoping even though I knew

Mamdani was going to win, I was just hoping maybe by some miracle it wouldn't happen, but it did, and that's that's what you have coming forward now, if if you're involved with local politics, the only way that I know of to handle this kind of an issue is you have to handle it through the zoning board.

You have to make restrictions about how many houses can go up on so many acres, because then you'll get the condos and I mean, a lot of people that flee from New York City.

This is just my two cents about it, since I'm very familiar with this. They are fine going to many of them going to places where they rent, where they don't they're not looking for always deep attachments to the land and that kind of thing.

So a condominium complex that provides all the conveniences is great for them, and they'll think they reach the promised land.

It's warmer. People are friendlier where in your state, if you're in the South and they can get all the conveniences at a cheaper price.

You can only deal with this through the zoning board, guys, and so this is the importance of if you want to keep your community from changing, you want to make sure it's not your community, it's the one next door to you that changes, but you preserve your own unique way of life.

You better get involved with town politics. That's where national politics and town politics intersect, so that's free, but that's one of the ways that we're going to have to deal with this going forward.

I will get to some of your questions and conundrums, cries of outrage, but I need to get through this, so I'm going to keep going here with the analysis of what happened.

All right, so I had a couple of hot takes last night that I figured I'd share with you, here's a poll NBC was putting this up last night.

For those under 30, 75 % for Mamdami, Asian 60, see, again, the age demographic,

I'm telling you, that is the biggest one here, Asian 61 % college graduates, 55 % renters, 55%, so this is my hot take under 30 looks for security.

The mom and dad never gave them. Now it's more than that too, but that's, I'm like, I'm oversimplifying a little bit here, it's true though, to an extent, and that's who are those people?

The most bitter at it's generally mom and dad. Uh, they didn't give, they divorced. They're not, they're, they want to have fun in their retirement.

I'm not getting an inheritance, so I get that kind of stuff. Asians want to elect one of their own in addition to the security of their place in America.

So they're afraid of Trump. They're afraid of ice and they don't like the talk about even getting rid of H1Bs and that kind of thing.

Mamdami is going to be their shield. College graduates went through leftist bootcamp and think in terms of theory and possibility, not nuts and bolts.

So you, when you go through leftist bootcamp and you have debt, you're just going to lean left. Renters are not aware of the overhead, their landlords deal with, and aren't always as rooted in a secure place.

They must manage renters. Tend to go for populous messages more, but, um,

I shouldn't even say populous. They tend to go for kind of rudimentary socialist economic messages because they're not making the decisions of a landlord, they're making the decisions of a tenant, and they think that through oftentimes through laws, you can limit rent prices, you can tell the landlord what to do because he's the nefarious villain and all this, he's the one that's trying to make a profit.

And, um, and so that's, that's a demographic I would, these are demographics I would expect to go from Mamdami and for these reasons, another thing

I said is Gen Z is socialist and progressive. They have the highest consumer debt of any generation by far one out of five are

LGBTQ or they identify that way. Compare that to only 3 % of boomers. They are more pro abortion and less religious than any other group.

According to most recent polls. And I don't think the Republican infighting on X is the factor here.

And that's one of the things I'm not trying to embarrass anyone. I thought about, should I just show the screenshots? I'm not going to do it. There's a lot of cope today and it's about all kinds of things.

But one of the things was, well, it's Republican infighting on X. I'm sorry, guys. The election would have been the same.

Whether the Republicans fought on X or not, it's, I don't think that was a serious factor in any of this.

Um, so there you go. That's my opinion. All right.

I already showed you this, that, uh, Trump's approval numbers are low in the key States where Democrats made gains, positive views of the

Democratic party, uh, were higher Virginia, 48 % positive view, the Democrats, uh, only 42 % of the

Republican party. So it wasn't just that Trump was unpopular. The Republican party was unpopular, not as unpopular.

Trump was more unpopular, but the Republican party was also somewhat unpopular. And then the state's city and economy.

Um, most people perceived was not good. Uh, so how many people said the state has a good economy?

Now the only outlier here is Virginia in Virginia, 58 % said, yeah, our, our state has a good economy.

Uh, and, and yet, um, still went for the Democrat, which I find interesting. And I don't know if that's like, is that the beltway because the

DC beltway is doing still doing frankly. Well, I don't know, but it's, uh, the other places,

New Jersey, New York city, and California all said, yeah, we got a bad economy here. I don't know how to,

I'll be honest, even though I'm familiar with Virginia politics, I don't know how to make sense of that. I, I do think that the economics played a big part in why the

Democrats won in Virginia, but I don't know why 58 % said the economy seems to be pretty good in Virginia.

Maybe they think it could be better. I don't know. So I will, a man's got to know his limitations and I do have a limitation on that.

Um, 41 % of voters did say that the Jay Jones texts were disqualifying with 37 % calling them concerning, but not disqualifying.

So of that, so this is one of the things too, I want to dispel this myth. That is 78 % thought that it was really bad.

That Jay Jones, those Jay Jones texts were really bad. But of that, that vast majority, 37 % thought that it was concerning, but not disqualifying.

So you have 37 % of the electorate. That's okay. Going along with someone who wants to murder their opponents.

Um, even though they don't like it. Because the alternative is worse to them. Essentially 18 % said that they hadn't heard enough, uh, to say one way or the other, so you have an ignorant population there too, and that's another thing.

I'm telling you with Virginia in particular, I noticed this more so than New York. I don't know why this is, and this is just my own perception, but when

I lived in Virginia and I was in people's houses, an awful lot in these States, this is just my opinion because I was,

I had my own furniture repair business when I was in Virginia and I've, I noticed some, a lot of very, very different, uh, big differences between New York and Virginia.

And I'm, I'm in different regions at regions differ in both these States too. Okay. But just some, some like overall differences.

There was a lot more. Televisions with the news on in New York, there was a lot more televisions on period in New York, but with the news on, um, also, and in Virginia, I noticed now

I'm, I'm mostly in red areas. I did go to some very blue areas as well. And in this day, actually it did.

Blue areas also had this to a greater extent than New York, but the red areas in particular were not glued to their

TVs where they got their news. I'm not always certain if they got their news,

I'm not always certain, but it was different than New York. And I did have the perception that you did have to educate people more on the current political situation so they could make an informed decision.

So take that for what it's worth and throw that into the analysis of all this too. That's just an observation.

I don't have polling on that. Um, Pedro Gonzalez had a hot take last night that I thought was worth highlighting,

Pedro said vote for Pedro. Pedro has been black pilling on the Republicans more than I would, but I think he's made some points.

He's a little, he's more self -reflective about the party, the Republican party. And I think it's important to have those voices within your coalition because sometimes they have worthwhile things to say.

You might not want to hear them, but I've noticed this with Pedro for about two years and sometimes he's so black bill, but he has been warning consistently about the same things.

And here's one of the posts that I thought was good to share with you. He says, and he's basing this on a demographic that Gen Z, uh, backed 18 to 29 year old.

So Gen Z, um, they delivered a 35 point margin for Spamburger, 35 points.

The younger generation is going for the Democrats. And here he has the demographics here, uh, uh, the 45 to 64 and the 65 or older.

Versus 18 to 29. And the analysis here from Pedro is you hear all the time on this app, meaning

X mainly from millennials and Gen Xers that Gen Z is to the right of Trump. And that's why they are defecting you.

And you have no idea what's coming. I always hear this. It's inevitable. You have no idea, John, you have no idea.

Um, Tucker Carlson the other day was saying, well, look, Nick Fuentes is obviously these, the largest voice, the most popular voice leading the young Gen Z men.

Now I don't know of any poll that says this. Maybe there is one that I haven't seen. Um, I think it's being overestimated.

That's been my thought for a long time, that this is not reflective of the real situation.

There's something to notice there. There is, but you don't want to notice it out of proportion. And I think that's why

Pedro's voice is important. He says, look, when you look at the actual data, it's the opposite. Um, now he's not talking about Gen Z men.

He's talking about Gen Z, you know, broadly here, but maybe because young people are the ones who are being robbed the most by the policies that the online right defends to the hilt.

Now, what are those policies? He doesn't say, he doesn't say in this particular, um,

I can guess knowing a little bit of Pedro's, um, kind of the way that he critiques the

Republican party and the online rights included in this. Uh, I think he's talking about economic policies.

I think he's talking about, um, the way that Republicans will.

In the era of Trump, especially like as we've seen the sort of like you can mean your way to the presidency and you can just kind of be, uh, be edgy and say things that are super edgy to offend the sensibilities of liberals.

It may be a liability more than it's worth. That's one of the things Pedro Gonzalez has said.

Okay. Um, Pedro has been critical about our foreign policy in general, but he's also a realist about it, which is kind of where I am,

I align with him on a number of things. And, and so to defend every move that Trump has made, uh, that's,

I think what he's getting at. I don't know if you, there's, there's going to come points where maybe we're going to have to analyze some of the things that Trump made on their own merits.

I think Trump actually fought, taught the Republicans how to win, whether he is teaching them how to keep winning is another question.

That is another question entirely. Is there a lasting power to this? Or is it, was it something that he was just able to get us in the door on that?

I think is a good podcast for another day. Landslide, uh, sweeps, uh, jolts,

Georgia Democrats ahead of 2026 midterms, historic wins in Georgia, Peter Hubbard and Alicia Johnson won over their rivals for the state's public service commission on Tuesday.

And this is like, this hasn't happened in like 30 years in Georgia. Steve days had some good things to say about all this.

I thought worth sharing. Basically he says that suburban voters reign in Virginia and they were going for the

GOP, uh, and now they're going for the Democrats and this basically spells the demise and why would they do that?

Well, he says the democratic party has been completely made over in the image of its ideals.

Okay. And this is something I have been pointing out for a while too, which is I appreciate Steve days pointing out. Um, there are no longer mere rival political campaigns, but rival evangelistic missions.

So he says the Marxist Islamists, et cetera, ideals are no longer mere social media or cable news talking points to be memed or mocked on our side.

They are the serious and true creeds we must defeat. Uh, if we're going to win. Um, Obama may have been the archetype, but now that's the base.

It's not the electrical worker union guy anymore. Every one of their national standard bearers of the foreseeable future were openly and brazenly represented and run an anti -American ideals.

Uh, he's, he talks about elections will now become worldview steel cage matches. And he says everything we are about now, even economically has to speak to the soul that this is the best point he made in the whole thing.

I do think that is the messaging that we need more than anything else. It can't be, and the

Democrats are willing to go there. That's the thing that drives me nuts. The New Jersey governor elect last night was talking about our identity as New Jerseyans.

We got to go back to our original motto. I'm going to have civics education. That should be a

Republican talking point, right? The Democrats are willing to twist history, make it their own and use it as an identity marker to get ahead because they know how powerful it is.

It's one of the reasons they have to get rid of monuments that aren't convenient for their narrative. Because they need you to identify.

It's natural for people to identify in heritage and history, but they need you to identify in their version of it. And you can't let them do it.

You could say they're in one sense. Yes, they're anti -heritage, but in another sense, they're willing to, for political reasons, leverage heritage for their own ends when it suits them.

We need to talk to the soul. We need to talk about our identity, who we are, our own heritage as Americans.

That's part of it. We need to, I think, have better economic messaging, which connects not with a math equation, not with what's good for the market, not with the

Dow is up. That's what Trump always does, right? Although look at the NASDAQ. No, we need messaging that connects to where people are at in their daily lives.

Can you afford bread? Can you afford milk? Can you afford eggs? How's it going with trying to afford that house?

What can we do to throw off the constraints that are preventing you from getting there? What laws can we pass?

What laws can we get rid of? How can we adjust things so that you can actually get ahead?

Not take from other people so that you can get ahead, not steal from them so that you can get ahead, but throw off the constraints that are preventing you from getting ahead.

What, how can we do that? And how are the Democrats standing in our way? Speak to the soul every single time.

Relate to the struggle. The Democrats are good at that. The Republicans, not so much. And he says, the more we pussyfoot with mainstreaming retardation by the likes of Nick Owens, Nick Fuente, sorry, and Candace Owens, I combine them into one person, the more we will sow division within our coalition and distract ourselves.

Now I made this point on a patron only video the other day. I said, look, um, we're on a razor's edge right now.

In order to get the coalition to win elections. You may have to, even if it's not full support, you may have to go along with advance, okay, for like four more years on the

Israel question, you may have to say, okay, which, which Vance said the other day, when it suits our interests, we support

Israel when it doesn't, we don't, that's his position. This is mocked. This is the elements that.

Steve days is talking about here. Um, at least one of them, actually both of them to some extent are willing to blow up the

Republican party over this kind of thing, because they see it as the number one thing it's, and they often conflate it with Jewish power as well.

Um, I saw, you know, Nick, Nick Fuentes will say things like Jews are responsible for every war, universal statement, ideological statement.

It doesn't matter what the conflict is. Jews are responsible, right? It's always get the Jews. It's always the Jews. And if whoever the

Republican candidate doesn't who's ascending, doesn't do what he wants, he wants to pull whatever support, which hasn't worked in the last two elections, but he wants to pull whatever support he can muster against them, threatening he'll go for Gavin Newsom, possibly if Gavin Newsom's the nominee now in the last two elections, he, uh, did not support

Trump. He even said he hoped Kamala Harris win in the last one. You include people like that in your coalition. You may get what you deserve is, is what

Steve Dace is saying here. You have to, to be measured and look at the math on these things. Now you can also look at what kind of concerns are they tapping into and let that maybe adjust your messaging, but you have to be real with where, where that narrative takes the

Republican party. If it's all about Israel, even if you just go to the people who are the most concerned about that particular issue who are younger on the right, you're talking about 2020 or 2036, the electorate that you have to win in the next few years is still going to be comprised of Gen Xers.

There's still going to be some boomers and they're not, and even the vast majority of evangelicals are not going to be where those guys are.

And we have not solved our immigration issue. We have not begun to solve it. I think it was

Franklin, Tennessee. The other day I saw 56 % Latino from migration.

This is internal stuff from local politicians. This happened only in the last few years, heartland

America. It's not being solved guys, not fast enough. And the only people willing to solve it.

They're not on the state level. They're not on the local level. It's Donald Trump. It's the national level. That's the only place any solutions are coming, even though they're not coming fast enough.

That's your only shot is to expand the timeframe we have to deal with this, or else you don't really have America anymore anyway, because once the

Democrat gets in there, it's open borders again, and we are finding out how easy as Roger Scruton is, as I said, to destroy things than it is to build lasting good.

We have no option, but to solve that issue. And I'm going to talk to you about how even legal immigration is changing the character of our country at warp speed.

We have to solve both. We need time on it. And if that means you may have to be part of a coalition with people who are generally pro

Israel for the next four years, six years, you have to get your priorities straight.

I'm talking pragmatic politics, how it actually works with the nuts and bolts here. I'm not telling you what

I want to be true. What I'm recommending. I'm telling you what is true. It's just reality. You have to deal with it.

So are we willing to deal with it? That is the question. Um, other hot takes,

I want to give you my hot takes. Democrats weren't trotting out their freaks this time around. They focused on an economic populist message and it worked.

Absolutely. Watch the speeches from last night. They were not trotting out their freaks. It wasn't like even for eight years ago, it was general.

It was including all the people who actually live in these communities and what's best for them. Now I know they're not going to give what's best for them, but that's the message they have, that's the message that they're promoting out there.

Um, here's the story. I'm not going to go into detail, but revolver news did a story on the overnight replacement.

It's called the great overnight replacement. And this is Collierville, Tennessee. And it shows how it basically became

India. It basically became India overnight because of policies that allowed, in this case, it was

FedEx to hire at a cheaper rate, people who are willing to take that, uh, lower wage and move to an area that is now effectively looking more and more like India.

Now, if you want your kids to grow up in America and not India, then you have to do something about this.

And again, you can even be for legal immigration, uh, that is limited. I, I tend to think we got to shut it down guys.

It's until we figure out what's going on, the immigration thing needs to be shut down. That's kind of where I'm at. All right.

But if you could even be someone who says, well, let's adjust to the level at which assimilation can take place, even if you're in that place, okay.

Overwhelming these small communities overnight with foreign populations will never make assimilation.

You are just making, you may as well call that area, India. Now you may as well call

Minneapolis, Somalia. Now you may as well call Dearborn, Michigan, you know, Islamo, whatever.

Now you may as well just admit that these places now are effectively foreign territories when you do it at this scale, this quick and the

Republicans who want to be good on economics will look the math works. Look, these people are willing to work for a lower wage, which means you pay less.

Well, we got to figure out the economics of what we pay for things, but when you completely overwhelm and change the demographics of a community, you don't have the same community anymore at the same time.

So this is a big problem and this is a problem where I think that's the main problem Republicans need to solve.

And other issues, we don't have the mechanism of elections. If we don't solve the issue, right. You want it, you care about abortion.

You won't have the mechanism of solving abortion anymore. If you don't solve this problem of immigration, illegal is the primary thing, but also we have an issue with some policies that have allowed high numbers of legal migrants to come to areas where they're changing the nature of the place and not assimilating.

All right. I posted this also. Someone sent this to me who will shall remain nameless.

Mark Dever in 2017, Mark Dever of nine marks ministries. I'm a fundamentalist Christian, but I am happy to have

Muslims, Jews, liberal Christians and non -religious types in our government. The only reason I show you this, and I know, you know, Mark Dever, it's been reported that he is a

Democrat. That's how he's registered. He's in a very influential area, Washington, DC.

I've told the story before of being in DC and there was a member of his church at a rally and he, where the member was pro abortion and, and was justifying it based upon things

Mark Dever has philosophies. Mark Devers promoted about, uh, we can't be single issue voters on abortion.

There's all these other concerns. Social justice concerns of course, have been paramount for nine marks. Uh, and this is someone who has a, a voice in very conservative evangelical places.

Including he'll be at the shepherds conferences here. Right. And, and I think a little self -reflection among evangelicals is in order here.

We have allowed people to be at the front of our movements who had very bad judgment, very poor judgment when it came to public ethics and how to apply biblical ethics in a, in a political sense.

And just even what politics looks like, they either should have kept their shut on some of these things or, which is fine.

Right. I went in on Denny Burke the other day, cause he was going really hard after, uh, Tucker Carlson for having

Nick Fuentes on and that kind of thing. And I was like, look, I may even agree with some of the points you're making.

In general terms here, but you're like you, you're the person who, when

Russell Fuller exposed Southern seminary defended some for critical race theory and post -modernism and these kinds of things, you defended

Southern seminary to the hilt publicly, publicly went after me, you know, talked about how ridiculous

I am and that kind of thing. Well, you get what you deserve here. I mean, I, I'm, I don't have the sympathy for you.

You, so white people are being attacked in vicious ways, even on the campus that you work for, and you could have stayed silent,

I would have even accepted that, right? I think many of us would have said, okay, you work for an institution, maybe you're pushing back behind the scenes, but you had to be public about your defense and nothing to see here.

Interesting. Interesting. And now all of a sudden, when it's Jewish people who are in your mind being attacked, you found your fighting feet.

I'm, I'm, I'm not as sympathetic now. You know, it's like, I may even agree with you on some things.

I don't even know if I fully do, but I may have points of agreement with you about the wisdom in how that interview went down, but where were you, man?

Right. Where were you? And, and I have to say the same thing about Mark Dever, about John Piper, who justified voting for Obama.

I have to say the same thing about, uh, David Platt and Matt Chandler and JD Greer, and the list just goes on and on and on.

And Tim Keller and these guys who wanted to appeal to the blue city voters by going with them on some of these ethical things or putting these ethical things that are so important on the back burner, not as important and making other issues of primary importance and elevating that.

I, I just shrugged my shoulders, you know?

Um, I'm not one of these guys and I don't think anyone should be, who just blames the church and Christian leaders for all our problems.

I, I was, I hated that when Russell Moore did it. I hated it when I see the guys who are quote unquote, even

Christian nationalists do that. It's like every time there's something negative, they reroute it. Some, some guys into it's the fault of pastors.

It's the fault of churches. Not everything is the fault of pastors and the fault of churches. And there's so many good churches. There's so many good pastors out there, but there, there is an evangelical industry that for years has muddied the waters at best on these political and moral issues.

And we are reaping the consequences of that. These voices aren't trusted anymore. They don't have the moral authority anymore.

They once did. And it's time to hopefully this is, this is always the hope, right? Is that there there's guys on their local community who are good pastors that you are looking to more for direction on these things.

If there is going to be a platforming, cause there inevitably will be online. Hopefully eventually those are the guys, the guys with a virtue, you know, that make it to the upper levels to give maybe the hard truths, but the, the, the truths that need to be actually promoted out there, and they don't care about getting the pats on the back from anyone.

They just care about their people. They care about what God says. That's what we need. It's what we've always needed.

And they actually know what God says and are able to apply it, right? They can read the signs of the times, know what time it is and apply

God's word to it. Um, very rare, very rare combination, at least in the upper levels. So, um, if you're a pastor who is in the trenches and you, you say, you've been listening to this podcast, maybe, and you're saying,

John, that's me. I've been doing that. I want to say, good job, good job that you're doing that.

I mean, I've, this is why at music and masculinity this year, and I do this every year at the men's retreat and every event

I do, I try to bring the guys who have something worthwhile to say. They're not the big names. They don't draw the big crowds.

No, because I'm looking for guys who I think have high virtue and character as much as I can to, to be at the events that I plan.

Um, this it's why we have, uh, you know, it's, it's guys like Seth Brickley. It's guys like Danny Steinmeier.

It's guys like Dr. Russell. Um, it's in, in, look at the people who write for truth script.

I mean, so many guys, so many pastors out there you haven't heard of, but we're trying on our end guys to get those in people into the limelight, uh, on social media, wherever we can to give you something good to listen to.

I know many of you listen to sermons, which is great. Check out some of the guys that we're trying to promote out there.

Guys that have some virtue who have some character who aren't going to be takes like Mark Dever did. And frankly, their takes that yes, they haven't helped get us to the point we're at now.

Okay. Is there anything more to share? Yeah. There's one major thing and I'm going to maybe, maybe go on a little rant and it's about the

Overton window, and then I'll take questions. I wrote this piece. It's not a piece.

It's a post and I'm going to just read it about the Overton window. And it's, it's just, we all know this, but I think we all have to connect the dots on what we already know.

How the left pushes the Overton window successfully is the name of my post.

The reason the LGBT rights movement was successful was because of the way it was packaged. For example, early campaigns focused on themes of that love equality and family resonating with broader societal values.

When you have control over the media, as the left often did during these campaigns, it's a little easier to shape the public perception.

The freaks, those with more extreme or unconventional appearances and behaviors were kept from being the spokespeople for their side.

There's a, there's a book called, I think, after the ball that talks about this little, like the, the, the crazy sexual stuff was kept, the cameras weren't there,

CNN wasn't there showing you what drag shows were, right. It was always like this couple that they just want a family.

There was no PDA. Um, the, the campaign was, it wasn't going to affect your marriage. They just wanted to visit their friend in the hospital.

Don't you want to do that? Don't you, if your wife was in the hospital, wouldn't you want to visit? Right. That was the campaign. It was a, they, they normalized it by getting homosexual characters, quote unquote, on comedy shows where they weren't doing the things straight couples were doing.

They were doing normal things. Straight couples do like arguing over where to go out to eat, but they weren't doing the kissing and stuff is at least initially, right?

It was, it was the frog boiling stuff. That's how the left pushes the Overton window. It wasn't by overnight.

Here's our freak here. Here's someone with a dog mask. Who's in doing bondage in the street in San Francisco.

You should support us. Not how the left did it guys. Take a pay. If you want to take a page out of their playbook, at least read their playbook.

They also own the media that helps. Okay. They were able to do this because they first had control over the media.

That was step one. Okay. The left started losing ground on the issues when the freaks became the public torchbearers.

For instance, the visibility of more radical elements like those advocating for polyamory or gender fluidity in a way that alienated mainstream audiences began to shift public opinion.

It was the same for civil rights. As soon as the victim framers, those who initially garnered sympathy by highlighting discrimination became unapologetic bullies, the left started losing on the issue.

Historical example is the shift in perception during the late 1960s and 1970s when some civil rights activists adopted more confrontational tactics, which distance moderate supporters.

The left has always been good at keeping those most radical members out of the spotlight. They don't publicly denounce them, but they also don't generally hand over the wheel.

And they, and again, they own the media. They don't have to do all of that. Right. For example, during the feminist movement, radicals groups like the weather underground were not given prominent platforms while the more moderate voices like Gloria Steinman were pushed forward and you could say this about the critical race theory stuff, the, um,

Cohambi river collective or whatever it was, right. The, the sort of that initial critical feminist stuff from the late seventies, early eighties, that was not mainstream leftist stuff until.

30, 40 years later. And it was, it marinated in academic institutions until the institution's leadership was essentially captured by it.

And then it was the populist strategy. That's how they did it. There were steps to this process and it, you have to look in terms of decades.

You can't look in terms of days, weeks, months, it's decades that they plan this stuff.

They will sometimes reward these radical elements behind the scenes, but the public face remains moderate. The strategy works until the activists become the movement and scare the normies.

When the more extreme elements take center stage as seen with most recent transgender rights activism, it can alienate the broader public who may feel overwhelmed or threatened by the rapid changes and aggressive tactics.

Additionally, the left demanded loyalty and could count on their radical fringe, backing them up, ensuring a unified front, even as they maintain a moderate public image.

This dynamic of controlled radicalism and demanded loyalty has been a key strategy in their political successes.

So let me illustrate this a little better for all of you. So it's crystal clear. I thought this was crystal clear, but apparently

I'm realizing it's not. When you have guys who are saying outrageous things, uh, saying things that are sexually off the wall, sexualizing children, um, saying things about what should be done with Jews.

What, which that are, they're more than edgy. They should be killed. Right. Uh, Hitler was a great guy because of what he thought about Jews.

When you, when you start, and I mean, I go on and on, but when you start, when you, when you have that kind of a narrative, when you have guys doing that kind of thing and they want to be torchbearers, they want to have a say.

They want to have a seat at the table. They want to, they want to control the table. Some of them, what do you do with that kind of thing?

And the response is often, well, you got to push the Overton window, man. Look how the left did it. They don't denounce their freaks, right?

They use their freaks. Right. Um, just because it's not in keeping with mainstream

Normie sensibilities doesn't mean it's not true or won't push the Overton windows so that we can eventually get the policies we want, which aren't those, but they're, but, but look, we want to stop illegal immigration.

So we got to say crazy. We have, we have to have people saying crazy things to push the Overton window so we can stop the illegal migration or something.

I understand the logic, but that is not how the left did it. And I just want people to understand that when you use the left as your example, this came in stages in steps through decades with control over the media to be able to massage the message.

And you saw last night that what they're doing now is they're reeling in the freaks and putting them back in the closet and having a more.

Now you can say, no, I see one, a freak over here. I see a freak over here and highlight the examples and lives of TikTok videos.

Yeah. I get that. Watch the actual speeches. Watch the actual political maneuvers. How are they getting the political wins?

They're not talking about DEI like they were. That's how they're doing it. They're not saying they're, they're, they're not making transgender sports and bathrooms and that kind of thing.

One of their main issues, they're just not doing it. They're making, don't you want to buy bread?

We want you to buy bread. They're not letting you buy bread. They're making that their issue. Don't you not like the fact we spend so much money in, in foreign conflicts and giving foreign aid.

And why should we be helping Israel when we have problems, right? This is it. This is fundamentally an economic message too, that resonates with normal people.

That's what they're doing. That's how they're winning. When it comes time to bring the freaks back out to boil the frogs some more, they'll do it.

Uh, when it, but they're not going to let them take the steering wheel. And when they do take the steering wheel, when they are front and center, it hasn't helped them.

This all depends on two things, a gradual process and control. And the

American public is fundamentally, and I've gotten this question.

So I'll just answer it head on the American public. Who's great grandfathers.

In my case, my grandfather fought in world war two, the American public who, um, has been also simultaneously.

Many of them indoctrinated in public schools, many of them still holding onto cold war narratives, uh, from, from that time period about what

America is more, there's a lot, there's a, there's a big mix of ingredients here, but when you come down to identity factors, when you come down to who do

Americans think they are, what, when they look at themselves, what do they see? Um, you're not going to win their approval at the ballot box when the most, what you want to talk about more than anything else is how the

Nazis were misunderstood or something like that. I'm I'm not, again, I'm telling you what is not even telling you what

I recommend or want to be. Uh, frankly, I do think Nazis were bad guys in world war two.

Does it mean there's this great book I read a few years ago on the Nazi soldier that I thought really helped, um, humanize and often dehumanized demographic and no, you know, they, they weren't all after killing, uh, the

Jews in a Holocaust, many of them did not even know that was happening. There's complexity to every conflict.

Many thought they were fighting for their home. I understand all that. Okay. Um, Rommel was a great military leader who couldn't stand

Hitler was basically. He, he was, I mean, he was killed.

He was, he, he didn't see any way out. He had to die basically. Like there wasn't a place for him in a, and you can respect certain people like that.

I'm not saying any, I'm saying though, when it comes down to the edgy things people are saying, it's that's, that's not the way forward, right?

It's also not the way forward. It's sort of like a little in -house Republican discussion here that we're having. It's also not the way forward to just highlight that at every example.

To try to drive it from your party as it to say, see, look, I found another example of it over here.

That what the neocons are doing is a terrible recipe as well.

You know what the recipe is for winning realizing where Americans actually are at, who they see themselves as and what their needs are.

That's the recipe for politically winning and Americans have not wanted the freak show that they didn't think they were getting by voting for, uh, in some cases voting, some cases it was court decisions for the

LGBT stuff. Now here's the question I've got that I said I would deal with head on. I go, well, John, you know, you, you supported the

Confederate monuments, not just Columbus, not just founding fathers. You supported the

Confederate monuments. You didn't want them ripped down. Robert E. Lee Stonewall Jackson. And you're right. And there's a few reasons for that.

One is a personal reason. That's not political. Uh, this is my family. This is my heritage.

And these are noble men who did many noble things to defend their land.

It's speaking for my family, uh, they didn't own or they didn't hold any slaves and they weren't fighting for that.

They were fighting because they were invaded. Right. And so I have personal attachments, uh, to all of my history,

North and South. I w I would, you know, if they, they came after the monument in my local area, I would, that's union.

I would be incensed. We need examples of heroism. Okay. And that conflict eventually resulted in a mutual respect.

That's been broken. So the normies, the, the polling, if you looked at the polling, when this all started, everyone was against it in most of these areas, they did not want these monuments coming down.

It was part of their identity. I was standing with the normies. I would say this is something quintessentially American, uh, at least regionally

American, and I could see where it was heading. I knew this was the same logic. They were used to take down the founding fathers and all the rest.

Right. So, yeah, I'm going to go to bat on that. This is something that is part of our, the recipe, the, of our

American uniqueness and who we are as people. It's not, I wasn't just being edgy to be edgy.

It wasn't just Dabney with a cigar in his mouth to ratio someone because it's Dabney and people don't like Dabney. No, there's an identity factor here.

And it's important. It doesn't mean that, uh, you know, there's also not other identity factors and regional associations that also need to be preserved or any, but it's, this was something that the

Democrats were trying to change. They're trying to change the character of the electorate through manipulation through indoctrination.

And they were doing so in a gradual way and they were doing so in slyly.

And they knew if they could change the past, if it could change the way that people perceive themselves, they could also change the politics of the future.

And that's where I wanted to say, absolutely not. And guess what the Republicans did on that issue. They decided, even though they had majorities of support on the issue, they would cave on it because they were afraid of being called racist by the

Democrats. That's part of the reason we got to where we are.

The fear of what elites think about you is a big problem.

And now in the post 2020 era, we have new mechanisms for supplying elites.

We have new mechanisms arising for, uh, Making someone popular on the conference circuit or just in, in, in the internet world, the talk show.

So that's becoming more important. And there's people that are afraid of crossing those who have bigger audiences and that kind of thing.

This is my call to Christians who listen to this podcast. Cause I I'm under no illusions. I agree. I'm not making a podcast for the world.

I'm making a podcast for you as Christians who are right -leaning because you have Christian ethics and you identify with this country.

You identify with the regions you live in. You love your families. That's who I'm talking to. You can't be afraid.

Fear is the biggest problem we have. You can't be afraid of any group online.

You, you can be tactful, uh, use tactics, um, and recognize kind of the bees net sometime.

Or the, the, the bees nest that you are rubbing up against sometimes, but you can't be afraid of what elites think about you can't be afraid of what people with bigger podcasts think about you, you have to just think through what reality is, what the

Bible tells you, and then go from there. What are your responsibilities? I've got a responsibility to my people.

And I, this is what I've said many times. I am more than happy to defend my ancestors above what modern critics on the left, or if they think they're on the right on the elite, right.

Think about me. Right. I know what they did. I know what they sacrificed. I know what this country means to me.

It's why I'm just recorded an album with Tim Bushong in the studio called heritage American. I want people to get back to that.

This is going to be a campaign that starts with. Um, and this is to move the

Overton window as well. It's going to start with education. More people are being homeschooled. Good.

Keep that up. The mechanisms that are available to us in the public school. Aren't we, we, we lost that battle, right?

Uh, I'm respectful of everyone who tries mom's for Liberty who tried, but it's like, look, as far as the education of your own children, you better be homeschooling or you better be figuring out a way.

And I understand there's, there's circumstances where you can, there's circumstances where there's a decent public school here or there. I hear about them or Christian school.

All right. But you got to figure out a way to not, your children can't fall into these traps, right? This, we got to play the long game here.

The left has played the long game. We got to play the long game. Teach your children who they are, whether or not they're getting it from school, you teach them who they are.

If you don't know who you are, you better figure it out, figure out what your local history is, figure out what's meaningful that you can pass down to them and give them an identity.

So they're not wondering who they are and they're not open. They they're, they're grounded. Um, if you're someone who grew up and you didn't have that grounding, you didn't have parents that did this, then it's time for you to start at square one and attach yourself to something that's meaningful.

That's grounded. Start reading local histories, go to local places. Um, you know, get involved with voluntary organizations.

Don't spend all your time even tweeting. You're not going to, I think one of the things that we realized last night is

I don't know that you are tweeting yourself into victory in midterms, especially when Twitter's 8 % of the, uh, that's global.

I don't know what it is for us, but of the internet users, I mean, take talk and some of these other platforms, Twitter is good for what

Twitter is good for X is good for what X is good for, but it, these other platforms also have a high concentration of people that you invest your time accordingly, see what you have and put it towards good use.

Don't waste time, right? This is the biggest thing I can say to you. We have two, we have, well, we have a year and then we have, um, two years, essentially two and a half years.

And we're going to have an election season. Don't waste that time for Christians.

You have to change the demographics around you. What mechanisms you have available for you to change them?

Well, with your children, you have a lot of control. With people who aren't your children, what kinds of things can you do? Practically?

I'm not talking about pie in the sky. What needs to happen? If we could get there, if we had power, we would do this.

I'm saying, what mechanisms do we actually have? Here's what you have. You have local offices.

You can run for on real tangible issues that affect your community. You have evangelism.

Now this isn't, I'm not suggesting this as a political strategy, but I'm saying it does have political ramifications. The more

Christians in these races that voted, uh, the, the Republican would have won if you had a higher

Christian population, right? And you say, well, if you had a higher, you know, white male population, well, what are you going to do about that?

Right. If, are you going to, where are you going to go to, to get the more white whales? You either have to make them right.

Which means marriage, uh, which I, and I encourage that of you with young guys. And it's like, I get told

I'm a boomer. I don't understand this and that as well. You, you, okay, then I mean, either have to make more of them and, or, you know, you have to, uh, solve the immigration issue and we're, we've done everything we can,

I'm saying as a voter to do that. So what else are you going to do? Right. What can you do? What mechanisms do you have available?

You can get in your local town. You can change zoning board things. You can have more children. You can convert people to Christianity.

You can voice your opinions in areas where it's actually going to make a difference. That's about it. And you can strategize if you are in higher political offices, messaging that appeals to a broad range of people that is tangible rooted and, uh, don't ignore the economic stuff, that's really all

I have to say. Um, if you want to push the Overton window left, you have to appeal to normies. Right.

Or sorry, if you want to push it right, you have to appeal to normies. That's what the left has done. They've just done it smart.

They've used their, their freaks. They've used their radicals when it suits them.

And then they reel them back in and they make sure they have control over the imaging, over the optics so that the normies don't think that that's what it's about.

I mean, I'm, I'm guarantee you at the J Jones thing, uh, that factored into it to some extent. Uh, the, the left saw what happened.

They knew this guy was a liability, but the math was not enough, not enough.

They could still by focusing on these other issues. And it was more of, you know, it wasn't like J Jones or Spanberger were up there saying, you know, we like, we like murdering people, you know, like they just, they, they didn't make that the issue they tried to bury it.

They did. Right. That's, and they have control over the media. So they're able to do that more effectively to constantly put before your mind, other issues that they think they can win on the right.

Doesn't have that luxury as much. We have to figure out how to, how to get more avenues of control to control those narratives.

Um, Elon Musk buying Twitter, you know, with the 8 % of global traffic it has was not quite enough.

It helped, but it wasn't quite enough. So we, you, you, you can't any movement that just disregards what normal average

Americans, um, think what even their traditions in history have been.

Sometimes it won't win. That's kind of my, my message to the

Republicans out there. And we'll take some questions. We've been going an hour and a half. All right. Uh, do

I start Marianne Jackson? Marianne Jackson's great. I just was with her down in Houston at the

Texas truth project. Get involved with Texas truth project. She says, I worked the elections in Harris County Cyprus yesterday.

I met a couple from Maryland who said they moved to Texas to call themselves refugees from the Northeast three school trustees who won yesterday in our suburb of Cyprus, Texas are far leftist inclined

Texas, a Mormon incumbent. One again, many who voted have no discernment. We have lots of issues in Texas politics as part of the problem.

When you have low IQ or low information voters, whoever is able to get to them and control the narrative is, and is going to, uh, have a substantial influence.

One day says, doesn't surprise me for all the predetermined and predestined. Uh, before the foundation of the world, I will pray for your child.

John is those part of the young reform community. Thanks. So I think of my child and future children all the time.

Cause I'm like, what, how can I protect them? You know, what can I give to them? Um, I it's a hard thing, but I trust

God. I really do. I mean, sometimes that's why sometimes there's those moments of like every man to his house is real, right?

And you're like, just got to trust God, got to trust God and do what he said. Northern Virginia was likely not going to swing

Republican. No, Northern Virginia wasn't says a bear attacks. Uh, John, uh, the

Democrats won in our local school board elections in Texas, Mary. So that's exactly, it was a

Democrat sweep for the most part. Um, see South Africa don't truddle.

Do not make me black pill. Yes. So I do not want to become like South Africa.

Now it's not going to become like South Africa completely. Our demographics are very different than South Africa, but yes, there's going to be parallels.

Anytime you have Marxism, there's parallels. All right.

Uh, other questions. Sorry guys. I know there's so many and I'm trying to get to them. Uh, Charles says people to test your hero,

Donald J. Trump, what's there to figure out? Well, he's not my hero. Uh, I, in fact, in 2016,

I didn't vote for him because I saw some of the liabilities that he brought that I thought would be bad for the

Republican party, which some of them were reaping the consequences of now, but I do think. Trump did teach the

Republicans how to win in that. He did speak to issues that resonated with the normies he did.

And it's how he won. He was able to speak to demographics that the Republicans didn't want to take.

And the Democrats had kicked to the curb curb, mainly that union Rustbelt voting, you know, white person working class people.

Trump was saying, I'll, I'll, I'll, I'll, I'll receive their support. And you have to,

I mean, you can't just. Shun those people. It's all like, I'm not going to accept their support. I disavow every five seconds.

Now Trump did disavow. You can go back and check the record. He did disavow some of the, the radicals that he thought would be liabilities with the general population too much of a liability, but yeah,

I mean, that's Trump did, I think chart a strategic political path and he, he and I would agree about many issues, but he's not,

I don't hold him up as like my hero. I don't, it's more, I, I vote for him despite some of the things that I see.

Um, I like, I think he's a likable guy. We'll say that about him. Can I love, let's see. Islam is the broom to sweep away

Christians. Um, the broom to sweep away Christians.

So who was it? Jewish people, I guess, holding the broom or so like leftists or what? I don't know. Um, yeah,

I've heard that stuff before. There might be like a handful of examples you can use. You, the, the, the number one thing you always see is that one video from Germany from like 1998 or something.

And there's a lady there saying we need to be more multicultural and that includes Islam. And no, as Jewish people, we're going to be involved in that.

And, and the idea that, and this is true, uh, because of the persecution that Jewish people have been under in many places, uh, they ha they were heavily involved in things like the civil rights movement.

They want, they generally have a self protective interest in making sure that there's social equality that they will benefit from.

And oftentimes they don't, they don't always want to be like the front and center thing that's focused on. Uh, they want there to be other people in their coalition.

They're a small group of people. That's why, I mean, they're like 2 % of the United States population. So, I mean, that all makes sense, but to say that they're like, you know, using the broom of Islam.

I would say there's a, sometimes, sometimes a joint political advantage, but I tell you what, though, as you see

Islam rising in certain regions, you will see Jews becoming very uncomfortable with it, uh, that are especially the more religious they are.

Uh, that is, you're, you're talking about a chief rival at that point, you know, when it's enough to be part of a coalition where they can have some security, that proposition nation stuff will continue for them.

That's different than a like, oh, they're the majority now and they really don't like us.

So I don't think it's that simple. And I think the oversimplification of these issues has been honestly, one of the frustrating things.

It's like more than one thing can be true at the same time. We have to recognize that.

Uh, I'm looking for questions, a lot of comments, uh,

Dr. Bob, Dr. Bob, I'm, uh, the country I am from in Georgia County. Sorry.

Went from 91 % non -Hispanic white in 1980 to 9 % non -Hispanic white in 2020.

Oh my goodness. That might be one of the biggest swings I've ever seen. I know there's a number of counties like that, but 91 % to 9%.

It was a hostile takeover by blacks with assistance from corrupt politicians. I'm kind of curious what

County that is, Dr. Bob, where you're talking about. Uh, cause yeah, I mean, I know when you, so when

I said in New York, everyone wants to go to Tennessee, there's an exception and that's if you talk to black people, they're all going to Atlanta.

I don't know what it is. I mean, I've seen this for years. It's it's Atlanta is like the promised land. So I don't know if it's all from that, from Northern black people moving down or, or what, but be interesting to have more of a conversation about that.

Uh, I can never go back. Dr. Bob says, yo, it's, it's, it's going to be Democrat for, or at least, yeah, for the foreseeable future.

Um, now are, are, are we now adopting the British use of the word Asian? I think so.

That's it. That's been confusing me a little bit. Uh, Asian now is including Middle Eastern.

It's including Indian. So it's not, we're not talking like East Asian or so. I don't know why that is, but I've noticed that too.

Oh, right. I am grateful that I have citizenship in seven says Michael K. Well, that absolutely, absolutely.

We still have citizenship on this earth and we need to fight for the things in the temporal battles as well.

Trouble says, uh, I think he's talking about the loss here. It's not due to infighting on X per se, but surely the things causing the

X infighting have kneecap the rights capacity to mobilize. I think about that. Had the, so what's causing that?

Is it like allegiance to Israel or has kneecap the rights? Um, maybe,

I mean, I, I I'm open to it. We'd have to have a longer conversation. I'm open to it.

Um, I'm, I'm just trying to make the point. It's, it wasn't like the last few days of the, uh, neocons and some dissident figures getting into it that made, you know, like the mayor mayoral race in, in the gubernatorial races go blue.

It wasn't, it wasn't like the Republican accounts could have just kept tweeting to the echo chamber.

Um, you should vote, right? I mean, we already, we already did that. Like it's kind of a, I did that.

I did my part. I tweeted 20 to 30, uh, 25 to 30 year olds. Can't buy a house or rent an apartment.

Bingo with an income they are bringing in college is costing too much. Yup. Bingo, bingo, bingo. We don't have time, but I would be very open to a podcast where we talk about the practical ways to address this kind of thing.

I do at the top of my head. There are a few that I just, I do think that, uh, the market correction seems like it's not coming fast enough.

There, there, we may need to have, and I would love to see it more on local and state levels, not national levels, but we may need to have some mandated like skill, uh, training kind of thing.

Like, like civic train, civic service and training in certain skills. We may need to do that.

And this has been proposed on the national level for a long time. I don't want to see it on the national level. If we can avoid it, I'd rather have it on the local or state level, but making sure that young people have a skill.

They're not the parents. Broadly speaking have failed in this regard. And even how to say plainly there's a construction project near me right now.

And I would love to see young locals being part of something like that. And when I look, it's older people who

I can, you can tell by what their language they're speaking and so forth. They're not local. And this is happening under Trump's presidency.

So how do we solve that kind of a thing? I mean, Mike Rowe talks about this all the time. There's opportunities out there.

Maybe they're not the kind, whatever the reason is that those opportunities aren't always being taken advantage of. We may have to take, unfortunately, when the parents fail and people make bad decisions, they have to be limited when they make decisions when they don't make the decisions they should make.

Sometimes they have to be prompted. I think there is a role. Oh man, I'm getting myself in trouble here, but it's true. I think there is a role for government to come in and make sure the civilization is saved.

And immigration is a part of this, but I do think that that's just one thing. Another thing is obviously regulations and taxes have to go down.

I think some of the things that have been talked about and proposed in regards to the, the money that colleges are holding onto, that monopoly needs to be broken.

And I think, and the thing is like, I'm sort of in a split mind about this. Do you use it to fund people going to cut to lower tuition?

I mean, tuition skyrocketed, especially when the government became a third party payer, so maybe get the government out of that and elevate more practical trade stuff.

I think that could be part of this. I think limiting land purchases is another thing.

Like can corporations just buy up the kind of land that they're buying up and that they're able to control.

We may need, and I know I want to take away regulations, but there may need to be an added regulation when it comes to that kind of thing, when you have even countries like China through BlackRock controlling so much of the land in this country, it's not a healthy thing.

You want the next generation to be past something tangible that they can take ownership of land. That's how most people throughout history have learned how to take any kind of responsibilities.

They own land. You don't have that. You have a country of renters riding bicycles because they can't afford that you become

Europe. That's not a good thing. That's not a healthy thing. So those are, those are just a few things off the top of my head, but translating this into policy.

Uh, so Donald Trump spoke to your soul, John. Uh, no. Uh, oh,

I see what he's saying. Yeah. Yes. Yes. In a sense. Like he did say, like he was saying things like we have a history. We're going to preserve it.

We, we are a people. We're not just an economic zone. Uh, we need to have a wall to keep out other people.

We don't have a responsibility to them. Your responsibility to our people, if that doesn't speak to your soul, then I don't know what it does.

I mean, and I mean, soul, not even in the spiritual sense of like, you know, Christianity and religion,

I'm talking about like your identity, who you are on a fundamental level.

Race is all that matters in politics. Voting by ideology is a luxury for an ethno state, mixed races and elections have a racial head count.

Well, more than one thing can be true at once. You can have, uh, I mean, tell that to all the, the white people who voted for Mamdani, right.

Uh, it, what caused them to do this? Uh, I don't know.

Uh, I mean, I do, but what it, it doesn't always break down that way. Religion is a big factor in all of these things as well.

So you can't just reduce it to that. They're socioeconomic. These we, and this is one of the things

I've tried to say for a long time. We occupy multiple identities, not just one.

You may have primary and secondary, but it's a multiple array of identities that compose the experience and the identity that we have, uh, as people.

And you can't just take one of those things and say, that's the only thing that that's ideological and that itself actually, and that gets you to places where you will lose as well.

You have to analyze the whole enchilada. Uh, gullible boomers threw away

America. Well, I, from one, I could, I could see that in one sense, but I also am looking at the election returns and saying that it was white boomers who were the lone bulwark in places like New York city.

Um, even in Virginia, it was the older boomers are the ones keeping the country basically together right now.

You got to acknowledge that too. Uh, who should Christians have voted for?

Uh, I think that's in New York city. Um, that's a good question. I mean, that's a strategic thing. Trump came out in favor of Cuomo.

I mean, it would be very hard for me to pull the lever for Cuomo. I already thought Mandami was going to win. If I was living there, I probably voted for Curtis Lee.

Frankly, I don't like any, all three of them for various reasons, but I could see a prudential move to vote for Cuomo because of the issue that's on the, what issue is actually on the ballot?

What does it mean? Right? So the norm, what is going to be normalized? How is this situation going to change? I know there's guys, especially strong anti -abortion guys to say, look, you can never vote for an anti -abortion, uh, uh, a candidate that believes in abortion, and I totally understand that.

Some, uh, that sentiment, I think though, in a place like New York city, um, the pilot, so you have to be able to chart a path forward.

That's actually a real path, right? A con a vote for conscience, quote unquote, isn't, you're not going to win that vote anyway.

So what's the actual path? And you only have like two options available to you. I think that's how the people who voted for Cuomo were thinking about it.

Do we keep New York city, the shade of blue that it has been, or do we go to a deep, deeper shade of blue?

That was the question I think that they were asking themselves. If that's the only option, the only question, the only issue, then

I don't think it's a sin to necessarily vote for the lesser in that circumstance because of the limited array of options.

But you do so with the acknowledgement, this, I don't agree with this person on many things.

I am not, um, liable for some of the evil that they will do. I was voting against a greater evil that I didn't want to be normalized and, and, and normalizing things has a big part in all of this.

What, what is going to be normalized for the future, right? Not what is the current evil that is being already broadly accepted.

We want to roll that back. But when the March is greater to greater and greater degrees of evil, you have to stop it first before you can reverse it.

And so keeping the normalization from happening is a primary objective. And then trying to normalize the things that are right, good, and true at the same time.

Thank you, Isaiah Cooper for the $2. Um, Marbie dog, the largest

Jewish population on the planet earth is New York city. Who did they elect? Yep. I know. I know.

Ice is up to 400 ,000 K applications. They have hired less than 2%. When the administration changes to Democrats, all these agents will be moved to the

IRS. Ooh, don't do that to me. Illegal aliens, God's way to, for us to preach the gospel.

Um, I think you should preach the gospel to them if you, if you know their language is Steve days, the blaze guy that wrote nefarious.

Yes. Um, he is. How did

Virginia put up winsome? Was she even a candidate? Okay.

Well, the reason winsome was there. It's because she's so winsome. It's because she was the Lieutenant governor.

Why Glenn Young can pick or what? Okay. Actually in Virginia, you run for that separately, but Glenn, you have to understand the last election, uh, the first one that Glenn Young can one

Glenn Young can one because he was, um, he, he was able to pull off representing himself to conservatives as if he was a conservative and speaking differently to Northern Virginia, distancing himself from Trump and proclaiming himself to be a moderate.

So the hardcore conservatives were looking for, they wanted someone who was conservative. That became winsome

Sears. She was willing to, uh, and if you knew the field at the time, there were, it was a limited array of people who want the

Lieutenant governor position, but that set her up to be the person running this time around. So that's basically how that happened.

And she was more conservative than Glenn Young. Mm hmm. Ice man.

He's telling me what's going to happen. There's going to be interintentional communities, Balkanization. People will be early adopters and build.

Others will live, be living in a foreign country in the wilderness invest. This is how you survive. What's coming next.

Economically, you better invest in the red areas. People are going to be fleeing to. All right.

I'm, I'm going to have to skip through some of these. There's so many comments. I'm sorry, guys. I don't mean to ignore anything in particular.

I'm looking for ones that stand out, uh, the left.

Yeah, I just did this cause it's generally okay. As generally wants to say the left has a decades long march of the institutions and media, but we only have a few years to tackle immigration.

How do we manage it? Are we cooked? Uh, well, we might have to keep the band together, right?

We may have to unfortunately support things that some of you don't want to support to get the prize, which is handling this issue.

So, uh, Jenna says, thank you for bringing up the Mormon community as I'm involved in conservative politics in Seattle.

And there's an overlap with Mormons and actually use this lane for gospel opportunities. That's good. That's good for one 99.

Michael says we are citizens of heaven, not Americans. Right? Uh, I mean, we're both, we can be both.

Does God appoint the powers of the world for his purposes says Banner Mahler? Yes. Uh, do

I think we're under judgment? The answer is yes. I've thought that for a long time, even during Donald Trump and so far,

I think we get reprieves and God gives us opportunities, but I think overall.

Yes. Uh, we have, uh, this is a general statement where suffering the consequences of many of our own decisions as a people.

Jackie Benzinger says, do you believe that this is the only, only the Democrats involved?

Oh, like did the Republicans try to foil things? I don't know. I'm sure there's turncoat Republicans out there. I wouldn't,

I've never underestimate the turncoat Republicans. So I don't have like firsthand evidence or anything like that.

All right. Well, I think that's going to be the last one guys. Um, I appreciate everything and Hey, if you disagree with anything

I say, uh, you can also leave a comment in the chat or in the, on the video on YouTube.

I do try to look through those when I can, if I can. And, uh, if you want to come out and see me in Florida, I would love to see you in Palm Harbor this weekend.

I'm going to be talking about the issue of discernment, spiritual discernment specifically, and you can, Oh, where can you go?

I should have had this up. I think it's truth is forever .org. I believe is the website. Truth is forever .org.