New Footage: Crowd Before Capitol Breach

Alright guys, what's up, welcome, we are at the Save America March Rally.

There is just an absolute sea of people here right now, people are still pouring in right now. Here with our camera crew, the

Apologia Studios, here with Marcus Pittman, what's up Marcus? How's it going? Alright, so we just got here, it is cold, there is absolutely no data right now so we can't live stream, but let's talk.

Alright, so first thoughts Marcus, now that you are here. Well, I think what's telling is there is a lot of people here, but they are here in idolatry to the state.

How so? Well, Paula White led the opening prayer, but I think one of the things you see is a real lack of national repentance that you would hope to see.

What do you mean by that? Because she went up, the apostate false prophet that she is, she went up and she talked about repentance.

Yeah, I think the repentance for them is more on repentance, the repentance is on the government.

So the government is the one that has failed us, the government is the one, or the liberals

The liberals are the ones who have done all this damage to our country and all these things, whereas taking the responsibility on ourselves and say that we've allowed it, because when

Trump got in office, you had gay marriage, you had homosexuality, you had abortion, and Trump's been in office four years now, you still have gay marriage, you still have homosexuality, you still have abortion.

So you can't get these many people out at an abortion rally, you can't get this many people out at a rally to ban homosexuality, homosexual marriage, you can't get these many people out to do anything except praise the ruler, praise the leader of, and it's the same, it's the same as true with liberals.

And it would be good to say as you talk about this, you voted for Trump, you want Trump to... Well, I mean, we moved, and I didn't do a mail -in ballot, but I would have voted for Trump.

Yeah, but you want him to remain. I would have voted for Trump, yeah, I would have voted for Trump, I didn't in 2016, but I would have in 2020, only because I thought that he was standing up, he was fighting the fight that we need to have, and he was bringing

Christians along to that fight with him. So I wouldn't have said

Trump is this great Christian leader, he's not this, I don't even know if he fears

God, but he has people around him and listens to people around him that do fear God, and in a republic, that's good for me, yeah, it's good for me.

But the thing is, the thing is like, what is the people's motivation out here?

It's just, is it a demand for biblical justice, or is it just outrage because they know they were wronged?

Like, that's a big difference. What do you mean, because as people are watching this right now, obviously this is a very different conversation you would see on other, even independent news networks, when you talk about they're not out here for biblical justice, what do you mean?

Because Paula White was out there talking about justice, justice for all, we want justice, but what do you mean when you talk about being out here for true justice?

Well, true justice would be like in the Bible, when the prophets came together, when the prophet came and they read the law to the people, and all the people wept, and they demanded then at the reading of the law that the law was placed over society and over government.

So here, you could ask a bunch of people out here, and they all have a different standard for what they believe justice is, right?

So look at all the thin blue line flags, right? So the thin blue line flags, you know, accepting that police can do, that sort of idea that police can do no wrong, that a lot of the injustices done by the police are okay because they're police and that's a bad guy, versus what the

Bible says about standing militaries and all that as being a judgment on a nation, like in 1

Samuel 8, in 1 Samuel 8, when the people got a king, one of the things, one of the warnings about that king was that there would be standing armies, right, that they would come and they would quarter in your homes and all these sort of things.

And so you have this... And the government at that point taking 10 % was considered judgment.

Right, 10 % taxation is a judgment. So if you were to ask all these people here what their standard of justice is, it would all be different.

There'd be probably very few people that would say, well, let's open up the Torah, let's look at the Bible, let's see what God's law says, and that'll be the standard.

If you ask them, it'd be interesting, and maybe we should do this, we could ask them, why is election fraud wrong?

And if they would give you some sort of practical answer as opposed to saying, well, election fraud is wrong because God is not a liar.

That's a big difference. Lying is a sin. Lying is a sin, that's why election fraud is wrong, not election fraud is wrong because it violates the

Constitution. And that'd be a big difference between sort of the general attitude and consensus here of the modern day

American evangelical versus what you were talking about even in the car on the way over, the

New England pulpit, and the pastors and the Christians that founded this nation. So before the

American Revolution, the Black Robe Regiment would preach sermons, and in the sermons they would say, if you're going on the battlefield, we better make sure that we're repentant, because if we're not a repentant nation before the

American Revolutionary War, then God will use that war to judge us as a people. So all these people want to fight, they want to, we're filming, sorry.

So all these people were, before the Revolution, they knew morally and principally from Scripture that they were right.

But a lot of people here, you know, they have like pictures of guillotines, which is a sign from the

French Revolution, which was not the same as the Christian Revolution.

The American Christian Revolution was massively different than the French Revolution. But most of the people here wouldn't be able to distinguish the two.

They would just say war is war. And oddly enough, I'm getting a minor contact high standing here right now.

There's someone who's smoking weed right here in this crowd. Yeah, well, I mean, there's a good percentage, most people don't, but there's a good percentage of people here that have masks on.

It's like, well, why are you complying with it? You know, if you're really against it, why are you complying? Rebellion.

Yeah. Tyranny. So like the rebellion only goes so far. You know, it's like, so the question is like, how much are you willing to actually, you know, really fight for, you know, just having a mask on.

It says a lot. Yeah. Or the people that are going into the businesses and then they have a mask on and stuff like that. I'm going to talk to you some more.

I'm going to grab Zach. We're talking about the American Revolution. And this is

Zach Lautenschlager. Zach, tell everybody who you are, what you've done, how you do introduce you.

Thank you. Zach Lautenschlager. I am a political consultant, run campaigns on the past vice president of the

National Association for Gun Rights, vice president of the Action for Life and have worked for over 22 years in conservative politics, run over 200 campaigns, and I'm an amateur historian.

We'll let this calm down for a while.

So all right. So we're talking a bit about the American Revolution, talking about sort of the context, what was in the atmosphere.

Those people in the colonies, the early Americans, what would you describe as some of the distinctions between sort of like their thinking then about society, culture, law of God, rule, all those things versus where we're at now, what all this is about here.

Sure. Well, it's important to note and to remember that when Thomas Jefferson, this is just after the revolution, wanted to know what is the literacy rate in the

United States, it was over 96 percent, over 96 percent literacy rate. So you're talking about a highly literate people.

You're talking about people who were trained to read primarily the scriptures, and that's why their mothers and fathers taught them to read.

And so you have people who are not necessarily highly educated in the sense that they had read all the classics, but they knew how to read and they read their

Bibles. And that's an incontrovertible fact. You can look at, you can read about it in de Tocqueville, you can read about it in the early accounts and see that, and it's part of the

American historical record. And so you have a vast number of people who understood that the authority of government flows from God to the people, to those who are elected and anointed to be in office.

And so that's the perspective you're going to see. And then, you know, when you look at, okay, so why does the Constitution, for example, lay out a process for elections?

Why does the Constitution lay out a process for declaring war or for the way the

Congress will run? Because they specifically said, well, what is right? And the answer to that question was, well, what does

Scripture say is right? What does the Bible say is right? It was John Adams who said that the basic principles of America are the basic principles of Scripture.

This is the same thing. And, you know, we don't have to agree with them theologically. You can point out problems with Adams' theology, you can point out problems with Jefferson's theology, you can point out problems with Washington's theology, you can point out problems with my theology.

That's not the question. The question is, what were they saying and how did they apply that to Scripture? What was their reference point? Correct. All of them.

Correct. And so the reference point was, well, what are the immutable laws of justice as found in the Bible?

Even those who were less willing to profess Christ, and of course there were some, were openly saying, we want a longstanding, firm foundation for American government.

What's that? The Bible. The Bible. The Bible. You know, you can talk to Jefferson. You can talk about Jefferson and say, yeah, well, what about where he cut out the miracles of Christ?

Well, he did. Later on he said, yeah, that probably wasn't a good idea, I was probably wrong. He admitted that that wasn't a good idea.

But even in the midst of his unbelief when he was doing that, he was saying that all the rest of these moral laws, these are absolutely what is true and right.

So do we agree with them? No. You can't have the moral law without Jesus Christ. Okay? You can't. And even Jefferson recognized that eventually.

But even in the midst of when he was mistaken and wrong, it was still about scriptural principles. It was still about the

Bible. So that's a key issue is in the context of the American Revolution, you had the

New England pulpit that had been preaching for a very long time. Exactly. They had a worldview and an understanding of justice, they had an understanding of government.

Massive influence. And they all, even if in those days you weren't a self -professed

Christian, you had to go along with an environment and worldview all around you, the assumption of the

Christian worldview. You can look at some of the least Christian founders like Jefferson, and you can look at him and say, what did

Jefferson say? I fear for my country when I think that God is just, that his justice cannot sleep forever.

And you have people today with a nerve to say, yeah, he was a deist. We believe that God just wound up the universe and isn't paying any attention.

How then could you fear a just God? That's ridiculous. Or you look at Franklin, well, another deist, right?

What does deism mean? Well, deism means God wound up the universe and isn't paying any attention now. It's just running on that straw.

That's laughable. Right. I have lived, sir, a long time. And the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see that God governs in the affairs of men.

Right. That's one of Franklin's most famous quotes. So it's absurd, it's laughable.

Is America a Christian nation because everyone here is Christian? No. Is America a Christian nation because America's founders were all, you know, theologically

Orthodox? No. America is a Christian nation because its foundations are based in the principles of biblical

Christianity. You can't look at the Constitution and come away saying, yeah, you know, that's the code of Hammurabi or whatever.

No, I'm sorry. It's not how it works. It's patently obvious. And one of the things that I think a lot of people don't understand in terms of why it's so important to protect it is when we talk even about beyond the

Declaration of Independence, you talk about the rights that we have today, the Bill of Rights. A lot of people don't understand here, why is it so important to fight for that?

Well, because the Christians who gave you that and established those things, they had fought a lot of battles long before that in terms of...

For a thousand years. For a long time. Yeah. And they knew what they were pointing to. They understood where those standards were coming from to the degree that our first Supreme Court Justice John Jay, when we're doing case law stuff, based upon the

Mosaic law, he's quoting explicitly from the Mosaic legislation. Right. So let's get into it.

You know, you look at it, you say, okay, where do these concepts, why do you say, you know, that's a biblical concept? Well, who was the authority?

When they all went back and they said, well, this is our legal authority, they said, we're going to go to the common law, so we're going to talk about Blackstone.

Every time. Every time we're going to talk about Blackstone. Jefferson said he referred to Blackstone for the Declaration. They all acknowledged they referred to Blackstone for the

Constitution. This is the, this is the core concept of Blackstone's law commentaries. It's a five volume document that, that puts together and says, well, the

English common law, which is not all in one place, the constitution isn't in one document in England and the

British common law, it's, it's comes from running meat and runs forward with all the different case laws and things that were together in common practice.

So Blackstone put it together and he was constantly reminding people that in order to, in order to do any of this, you have to acknowledge the law of God.

You have to go all the way back to Alfred and say, who was the first, one of the first acknowledged Kings of England, right?

And Alfred said, what will the laws be? He wrote the dooms, which were the, that was the old

English word for law or judgment. And then at the end, he said, if anything we've forgotten, you open the

Bible and you apply that to whatever we missed. That's right. There you go. Okay. And so you can trace that all the, all the way to Blackstone.

So that's the entire English common law, Alfred the Blackstone before the American revolution. Blackstone says that of course you have a right to the pursuit of happiness for no man is so happy as when he is serving

God. Therefore you have that, you have that right. That's Blackstone. That is the English common law. So the entire stretch.

And so, you know, I can, I can appreciate the perspective that says, well, are we going to refer to the constitution or are we going to refer to God's law?

That's an odd way for me to say it because it's the same thing. Right. Okay. This is, they are not in competition with each other.

And that's why, why am I passionate about it? Because if you go right over there to the art national archives and you walk in there and you look at the constitution or the declaration, you will see my great, great, great, great grandpa's signature,

John Hart, and it's there. You can still read it. And so it means something.

The declaration means something. My grandpa was there. He signed it and then he gave his life in defense of it.

His children were scattered. His wife died as the British were coming through there, literally through their front doors. She died of illness.

He lived outside for a year and then he died of broken health. Okay. That's the sacrifice.

It means something and it is based on biblical principle. That's, that's the reality. Very important.

And I mean, there, there's a whole history of, I won't get into the whole detail of it now, unless you want to add anything to it, a whole history of what had taken place before this great

American experiment. We talked about the covenanters. Correct. We talked about the entire Reformation. The Huguenots.

Yep. The people that came and established this. And, and, and we have the founding fathers even quoting from the

Huguenots. Correct. As a foundational. Correct. We all respect this. This is how Christians have resisted tyranny and on what basis

God's word. Yes. Now the challenge that I have is I wonder when we talk about where we're at right now,

I'm so hopeful for repentance and reformation in our country, but I wonder right now if, if with this much zeal and this much passion, if we understand that our hope is first in repentance and second is submission to God's word and to his law.

That's correct. That's what built this country. That's right. It was, it's God's word. The law of liberty. Yeah. God's word was the reference point.

And again, even if somebody was not an outspoken self -professed Christian, they understood, hey, the law of the land here is

Christ and I'm living in, in, in a Christian society. That's what hovers over all of our heads, even down to the colonies.

I mean, in terms of naming the triune God of scripture, people making treaties with other places, naming the triune

God of scripture, having stayed churches even. Yes. And naming it in the year of our Lord. In the year of our

Lord, exactly. So when we talk about where, how, how far we have come, my answer is the way back is not going to be even four more years in the white house.

No. The way back is going to be repentance, faith in Christ, submission to Christ and to God's law.

That's correct. That's the key issue here. Yes. Because that is the foundation. You can't take the constitution and divorce it from the moral foundations, the moral pillars.

When, when our founders said that this won't work without a moral people, they weren't kidding. Yeah. If you don't believe your word means anything, it doesn't matter.

And they didn't mean someone's arbitrary system of morality. No. When they said religion. A moral people meant people that love

God, respect his word. Exactly. So, you know, referencing the reformation and the, what went on there.

What was the question in the entire reformation? Are you going to be able to read the Bible? Are you going to be able to read the Bible and interpret it and live by it yourself?

Or are you going to have to have someone else read it to you in a, in a language you do not understand or, uh, and have it that they may not even understand.

I mean, the priests didn't read Latin either. And so you, that was the question.

And so you can go all the way back to Wycliffe, you can go back to the Lollards, you can go back to the Waldensians before Wycliffe. And the question was always, are the common ordinary people going to be able to read the

Bible? Are you going to be able to read the Bible and follow it yourself? Well, after 500 years of that, you have people who come here and say, we are going, we just, we just ended up in what they all called a state of nature.

In other words, you arrive on a foreign shore and you're in the wrong place, which is what happens with the pilgrims. They weren't in Virginia.

They were in Northern Virginia, which we call Massachusetts now, not Washington DC.

Right. And so all of a sudden they looked around and they realized, we get to do what we've been talking about for all this time.

We just wound up, there's no government here. What do we do? Well, we're going to sit down and we're going to write it. That's what the Mayflower Compact was.

We're going to, we're going to put it down. Talk about the kingdom of Christ. Correct. Correct. And so. But not Christian though.

What is the basis of this? Well, they said, look, it doesn't matter whether or not you, you know, you are part of our community because there were the, there were the strangers among them, which they did.

They did not require them to, to respect the Sabbath in the same way they did. They want to go out and play games, right? So they said, well, you know, as long as you're quiet, basically during our church service, we're not going to require you to do the same things we're doing in this case, which was one of the things

I admire about the, about the pilgrims that differentiated them a little bit from the Puritans, who I deeply appreciate, but they had the judgment to be able to say, you know what?

There are civil laws. There is civil jurisdiction that God gives certain laws for government to enforce across the board.

It doesn't matter who you confess. It doesn't matter how you worship. You are going to not murder people. You are going to not steal.

You are going to pay a certain amount of respect to the, to the persons and property, even if you're not threatening.

You know, if I pull a knife here and wave them around your face, that's assault. I may not be intending to hurt you, but you don't know that.

So, and we can go through all of those, those basic things that are God's law that are supposed to be applied to by civil government.

Yeah. And very important for people who are new, maybe new to our ministry, listening to this. When we talk about God's law, we're not talking about by a means of salvation.

We're talking about the way that God talks about in terms of justice and righteousness. The Bible. Exactly. The Bible is

God's law. In Deuteronomy chapter four, when God gave his law to the people of Israel, it was supposed to be their wisdom in the sight of the peoples and all the other nations supposed to look into this law and just be in awe of it.

Right. And see how it works. Look at this and go, oh my goodness, look at how they do this. Look at how they don't just send somebody out, you know, this guy killed my brother, so I'm going to go kill him.

Cut their hand off because they sold a loaf of bread. Right. No, that's not. Nope. And there's so much, there's so much maligning of script.

You know, what the old saying, don't take advice from your enemies. Right. Well, don't learn theology from your enemies either. Right. Exactly.

And so there's so much of that going on that, well, you believe you should gouge out someone's eye. If they got you. No, no, no.

But that's not what lex teleonis is. No. It is rank ignorance. You don't even, you can't read.

Right. Or you don't want to. Right. Don't want to is the answer. Yeah. So that's the, that's what's at the core of the, of the whole thing.

And the reality, the problem here, if someone got up on that stage and said some of what

I'm saying right now, this crowd would explode. We're filming here, sir. Yeah. You can't come through here.

The crowd would explode. You can look at, look at the people gathering around and listening.

This crowd is full of people who believe that God's law is right. They ultimately believe that God is just, are there, would everyone agree?

No, of course not. Did everyone agree on that? No, of course not. But that's not the point. The point is, are we going to shape our lives according to this or not?

Right. And right now, when you look at America, you see my people die for lack of vision.

My people die for lack of wisdom. There is, they're, they're like sheep without a shepherd. Filming here.

So, you know, the, the, the bigger question of what, you know, what's going on here?

Well, yes. Are there problems? Does there need to be repentance? Yes. Yes, there does. Yes, there does. Do we need to lean in that?

Yes, we do. Do we need to fear that it's not going to be, you know, that people will not listen? Well, of course it's never popular to say, you know why we're in trouble?

Because we need to repent. Is that a bad thing? You know, my friend, Les Lamphere, he's in trouble all the time because he's, he's repeatedly saying it online.

He has pretty good size following in the reformed community. People in the reformed community are mad at him because he's saying, you know what, maybe, maybe we should repent.

Maybe this is, maybe this is our opportunity. And that's because we don't understand what repentance and judgment is. Right? Well, it's, it's, it's clear too in scripture that when

God wants to punish the people, he gives them wicked rulers. Yes. That's, that's a clear, that's a clear thing.

We get wicked rulers because we deserve them. Right. The truth is we deserve Biden. We deserve

Kamala Harris. We deserve worse. I don't want them. I don't want them. I don't want them.

I want, I want four more years of space to preach the gospel and to, and to establish justice.

But do we deserve all that good stuff? But do we deserve, we deserve Kamala Harris like she is supreme. I don't want her.

I don't want her. The reality, thank God that we don't actually get the rulers that we deserve. Right. We're a nation who has slaughtered 62 million babies.

Right. And we can stand here and say, no, no, no, we don't deserve bad rulers. No. We need to stand up and say, okay, you know what?

We're wrong. We are wrong. And we want to change, but let's do it different. Yeah. Repentance isn't. Okay. That's it.

Judgment. You're dead. No. Repentance is the opportunity to do it again. Right. Repentance is, leads to redemption.

That's right. That's the redemptive story. Right. And because repentance, we've removed, we've removed redemption from repentance.

Repentance is I'm wrong. Well, what does the left do? As soon as you say you're wrong, that's it execution. I mean, they're going to execute your character.

There's, there is absolutely no, you open your mouth. At the wrong time and say something that they can twist into something that's not correct.

That's it. There's no, there's no coming back from that. Right. Unless, unless they want to give you a pass. Right. I'll take

God's law over that every day twice on Sunday. That's right.

Okay. Hang loose. I'm going to bring it back up in a little bit. Okay. Thank you for all that. Very, very much. Dennis. Dennis.

I'm ready for you. All right. I'm not as good as him. No, no, no. This is a

Dennis Zerfani, head of a red state reform action for life action for life.

Okay. So we were just talking about 62 million murdered children in our country since Roe.

I think those numbers are actually pretty inaccurate because that doesn't count a lot of the abortions we can't ultimately calculate with plan

B and things like that. Sure. So 62 million murdered children in our nation. I would grant that the, watch this, you guys pro -life?

Yes. Pro -life? Yes. Yes. I would grant the vast majority of people here would identify as pro -life.

Sure. But we have a bill right now we're working on in the state of Arizona with the representative Walt Blackman that criminalizes and abolishes abortion.

Doesn't regulate it, it ends it. That's what we're working on. So January 22nd, we have a rally at the

Arizona state Capitol, 11am. You're going to be there. I am going to be there. And abortion is going to be there. And we're going to be working in the state of Arizona to criminalize abortion, make it a crime the way it used to be, calling abortion murder and giving equal protection to human beings in the womb from the moment of conception.

Yes. We have 13 states right now that we're working on criminalization. We're working on abolition.

Yes. Not regulation. No, not regulation. So I want to talk about that right now because when we talk about repentance, right now we have gay mirage in America, homosexuality rampant.

We have people that are able to murder their children at will. So speak to that. Why are you? Why are you a part of red state reform?

Why does this matter to you so much? Well, it goes back to my wife. When I met

Jade, I was far from God. And when I got to learn more about she was adopted, her mom conceived her at an early age, at a one night stand.

And our biggest thing was, how can we fight this? You know, I had a chance with my wife.

Her mom gave her up for adoption, got adopted by great people, raised her right. But there are 63 million, like you said, that haven't had that chance and many more than that.

So for us, it was a no brainer when we came to Apologia, got involved with End Abortion Now. What can we do to do more?

You can go out there and save babies every day and preach the gospel, which God wants that.

But it's going to keep happening. So what do we got to do? We got to end it legislatively. And so with Action for Life, that's what we're doing.

We're in 13 states, like you said, we're trying to get in 13 more. And that's just in 2021 alone.

Biden wins, it's going to fuel the fire just as much. I mean, I don't think you can get this many people here for a pro -life rally.

This is a great testament to showing where our hearts are in this country and how far we've come.

We're fighting for a guy who doesn't really believe in pro -life because he had years to do it and end it.

And so here we are. We're giving up what we deserve. So we've got massive amounts of people right here right now.

I guess what you're aiming at there is, I think in order for us to expect blessing on our nation, we have to stop the bloodshed in our streets, the murder of children.

This should have taken place a long time ago to abolish abortion, to resist the destruction of marriage and the issue of sexual ethics in our nation.

Where was this kind of boldness and fervor? So when we talk about whatever happens today,

I don't know. I hope the right thing is done. I hope justice is upheld. I hope they stop fraudulent votes wherever they may be.

But we need to talk about the heart of our nation and the issue of repentance and bowing our knee to Christ. And we talk about the issue of abortion.

We're working on abolition, not regulation. What's the difference?

That's what we need to talk about. The difference is ending it, hitting delete, closing the book, and let's go home.

It's not incrementalizing where we're like, oh, we'll just give you, oh, at 30 weeks, at 12 weeks. Oh, if the baby doesn't have

Down syndrome or has Down syndrome, you can't abort. That's crap. You know, you think about the bloodshed that has gone on.

We need the church. Where's the church? Well, did you see the article at the end of the day? I forget where it was shared, somewhere in one of our groups.

The article, it was like a big victory march the pro -life industry had. Yeah, Tennessee. In Tennessee, where they said that after you murder the baby, you have to give it a proper burial.

And they were like raising their hands as though it was some sort of victory. So you can still murder them, but give them the dignity of a burial.

Yeah. So when we talk about the 13 states right now we're working in, we're working on criminalization.

Ending it. Abolishing it. Abolishing it. Abolishing it. 100%. It's over. You can't do it. Jail time. It's a crime.

It's a crime. So that's the way you deal with something like murder. Sure. You make it a criminal act.

That's right. How do you stop theft? Well, people are going to steal. They are, because we're sinners of the fallen world.

Yep. But what do you do to people who steal? You punish them. That's right. Ecclesiastes chapter 8 says that because justice isn't brought, the hearts of men are emboldened to do wickedness.

That's right. So as long as there is injustice for the free born, people are going to be emboldened to continue to do it.

So we are working with red state reform on criminalization. Criminalization. This is going to jail.

Like this is not just like, oh, don't, please don't do it anymore. This is like, if you do this, it should be done in a dark alley.

It should be dark alley. Yeah, crimes are supposed to take place in dark alleys. It's not where you drive in and you get comforted by people.

No, what you're doing is murdering a baby. We know it's a baby. Jody Heiss has the federal bill, life at conception, and we know that it's a baby.

Everyone knows that. The joke's over. It's not. We're working for equal protection. That's right. Equal protection.

Sure. And so that's in those 13 states. We have legislation already. The other 13 that we're working on, they get it.

And we have bold leaders. So we need the local magistrate. It's not about the president or the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court was Republican. Well, let's talk about that. The pro -life industry operates on the understanding that we can't stop abortion because Roe versus Wade made it law.

Is Roe versus Wade law? No, it's unconstitutional. Actually, that's a court opinion. It's not a law. It's not a law. Congress didn't vote on that.

Congress creates law. That's right. According to our constitution. Isn't smoking pot illegal? Right. Well, I'm smelling it right now.

I'm smelling a lot of it. You can go in front of the DOJ and smoke a joint and they can't do anything to you.

There's federal law about marijuana, but the states resist the federal law because they say we have state sovereignty.

We reject that federal statute. There is no law about abortion. No, there is no law. But the states have accepted the idea that Roe versus Wade is law and Congress has passed no law.

And Joe Biden understands that because he was asked the question, what if Barrett overturns

Roe? He said we would have to make Roe law. And he said, when I get into office, I will come make Roe law.

Why? Because they know Roe is the law. That's right. So the states actually have the right before God and legal ability to tell the federal government, go pound sand.

That's right. You're not killing babies anymore in our states. We need local leaders to step up, grow some backbone and say, no, it's not going to happen.

The bloodshed will end right here. We have guys that are brave. Jonathan Hill in South Carolina defunded

Planned Parenthood by himself. We need local leaders. It's not a president. It's not the Supreme Court. It's the local leaders.

It's the church standing up and getting people elected. The right people elected. That's right. All right.

So tell everybody where they need to go. Well, you can go to RedStateReform .org. You can go to TakeActionForLife .org.

January 22nd, 11 a .m., Arizona State Capitol is where it begins. And we are taking this thing nationwide.

It's going to be big. It's going to be epic. So 10 a .m. Arizona is the press conference of Representative Walt Blackman to introduce the bill that criminalized abortion and equal protection.

11 a .m. is our rally for end abortion now. 11 a .m. Arizona State Capitol. We want everybody who's watching this right now to come.

It would be really wonderful if this many people came out and stop the murder of children. Can we just take this and bring it there? Because that's a little bit more important.

Let's start a carpool. Yeah. Let's get a train going. God's not going to bless a country that murders babies at will.

Going to Arizona? How often time is that, fellas? From here, it's a ways. Where are you guys from?

Illinois. Illinois. Alabama. Alabama. Just keep driving. Just keep going. Just come out. All right.

So we'll keep reporting back. I think we'll probably kill the stream for a moment here. And then we'll come back in just a little bit with more interviews, talk some more with Marcus and Zach.