The Unprotected Class: How Anti-White Racism Is Tearing America Apart

Housekeeping and Today’s Guest

We are live now on the conversations that matter podcast. I'm your host, John Harris. We have a wonderful discussion set up today. Just a really quick housekeeping item that I need to share with everyone because I made a mistake on the last podcast and I apologize for that.

I said I was going to be in Wisconsin and in actuality, I'm going to be in Idaho this weekend. Wisconsin's the next weekend. So the best place if you wanna see me in Wisconsin or in Idaho, either way, truthscript .com forward slash conferences, and you can sign up for both.

This weekend's the Stand Firm Conference, which is in Middleton, that's outside of Boise. So I look forward to seeing you there. Now that we got that out of the way, I wanna introduce today the special guest who's never been on the podcast before, Jeremy Carl.

Jeremy Carl is a fellow at the Claremont Institute. He was the Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Interior under President Trump. He worked at the Hoover Institute and he's a really smart guy. I mean, he's got his BAs from Yale, his MPAs at Harvard.

How does that work, actually, having a degree from Harvard and Yale? I mean, there's a rivalry there, but you're kind of on both sides.

There is. I think it was President Kennedy who said at one Yale commencement in which he received an honorary degree that he had the best of both worlds, the Harvard education and a Yale degree. So, you know, I think that the rivalry is always there, but, you know, it's all good.

I mean, in a more serious vein, of course, these schools have a lot of problems right now, and those problems were certainly not absent even when I was there, but it's really, it's gotten much, much worse environment for that stuff.

But, you know, it's a shame because there's still a lot of very bright students who were kind of leading astray.

Yeah.

Why He Wrote The Unprotected Class

Well, we're gonna talk about some of those problems. I'm actually very excited to get into this and to take some questions for those who are entering the chat now. If you're on Twitter, or X, I guess now, go to YouTube and you can leave a comment and I'll see it.

That's probably the best way, and I'll get your question to Jeremy. So you wrote this book, and if I can pull it up here, there it is, The Unprotected Class, and it comes out April 23rd, which is tomorrow, actually.

So we are on the precipice of this being available for everyone. I think I mentioned to you that I thumbed through a copy of this. I have not read it though in detail, but just looking at the chapter headings, it's very interesting, and it looks very controversial too.

So the subtitle for those listening is How Anti-White Racism is Tearing America Apart, and you have to make it even more controversial, I suppose, Kill All Whites, it's not even spelled correctly, is underneath that.

So I'll just let you kind of talk about why you wrote this, why the cover, it looks slightly provocative perhaps.

Sure.

I don't know what pushback you've already gotten. I'm assuming there has been some, but someone who has your accolades, why would you do this to yourself?

No, that's a great question, John. And I should say first about the cover, the cover I actually had nothing to do with, although I did ultimately just approve it, but there's lots of things, for those of you who publish books know this, that you fight about with your publisher as you kind of go through the process.

And I'm not a graphic design expert or whatever else, or even an expert on what sort of covers sell books. And they told me this was good. And I'm like, well, that's kind of provocative, but so is the book.

It was a piece of graffiti saying, Kill All Whites from California, that somebody had published, that somebody had done a decade ago, somebody had taken a picture of it. So I just let them do that. But the book itself, I mean, I know because this is a Christian podcast, I've sort of been wrestling a little bit with my own biblical metaphor on this.

I think the kind of current one I'm going with is a little bit like the story of Jonah, in which God told me to go to Nineveh and preach about this. I was like, gosh, I really don't want to, for all the reasons that you just kind of implied, hey, I've got this nice background, why would I wanna take on this kind of controversial, unpleasant subject?

It's just gonna get me a bunch of grief. And so I found lots of ways to run away, just like Jonah did. And I ran away to live in Montana, and I ran away to be in the Trump administration and sort of do all these things other than write this book.

And I kept hoping somebody else would write it. And then finally, God sent the metaphorical big fish out, it swallowed me, it spit me back up on the beach and said that, because I have written about these subjects before.

And when I got in the Trump administration, those writings drew more attention than they had previously. And some of our enemies did not particularly care for them. And that was really kind of my sign that like, I prayed about it and God really wanted me to kind of write about this and let the chips fall where they may.

And so that's what I did, that I decided to go to Nineveh and preach and we'll just, we'll hope that it works out well.

I'm glad you wrote it because I think what you just said is 100 true. People are very nervous. And it's funny how many private conversations I have where this gets brought up by many actually non-whites.

Yeah, well, absolutely.

We're very concerned about what's happening and, but everyone's kind of afraid to take this step. So you aren't. And so I wanna get into a little bit about, what was the message, the illustration you just used?

I mean, Jonah had a very specific, important message to give Nineveh. You're gonna be destroyed if you don't repent. So it sounds like what you're giving to us, this is important.

Yeah, well, and it is kind of without the, and I certainly don't take the personal comparison in any way, or am I saying that God has spoken to me directly? But I do think that we are, as a nation, going to be destroyed if we don't repent and change our ways on this.

And I didn't just, as I write in the book, I didn't just write it for a white audience. And in fact, I've got many multiracial endorsers of this, including the longest ever serving member of the U .S. Commission on Civil Rights, who's an African-American Republican, gave me a Peter Hearson, now gave me a great endorsement.

And also guys like Tucker Carlson and Chris Rufo and Victor Davis Hanson and other, and Rod Dreher from the world. So variety of folks have, from very different perspectives, you know, I don't even like each other particularly well, have endorsed this book.

So I feel good about that. But yeah, I think if we don't get a handle on this issue where we sort of return, or I don't even wanna say return, cause maybe we've never gotten there to be fair completely as a country.

But if we don't get to an area where we're not gonna discriminate against people on the basis of their race, whether their race is white or black or something else, in an increasingly multiracial society, it's gonna cause huge problems.

And so that was really why I wrote the book. I just, I felt it was compelled, you know, that we were kind of potentially, a lot of nations are destroyed over this sort of issue.

What White Identity Means in America

Well, let me ask you a question, like start it off this way, because there's an assumption here that there are such things as white people or white Americans. And believe it or not, this is somewhat controversial.

And especially I found in evangelical circles, for some reason, there's this idea that, you know, there's one race. And I guess in a sense, we can all agree that that's true. God created Adam and Eve.

And so as the story goes, we all come from them. And so there's this, I suppose, desire to be, to get past that, to just say there's no differences. And you're acknowledging just in your title, actually there is some kind of, so there's something going on that is marking a difference here and it is significant enough to talk about.

So, you know, that's a weird, silly question perhaps for you to get this, especially the first question, but hey, do white people exist? What's a white person?

No, I mean, it's actually not a silly question. It's a great question. And I think it's important. And one of the things I say in the book is, look, race has a biological element, but it also has a huge cultural element, okay?

I mean, because there is no true inherent, particularly when we talk about a God, kind of idea of whiteness. I mean, the only race the Bible talks about is running the race, you know, et cetera. So I think that's well taken.

On the other hand, when you go back, even to our initial debate over the US naturalization law in 1790, which is the first time we kind of talk about who's gonna be a citizen, it's understood that this is going to be kind of like white people of good character.

I mean, it says this sort of explicitly. Now, obviously this is not the sort of screen that we use now, but I simply mention it because it was understood to everybody at the time what white people included, and it included Jews, it included Christians, it included people from all sorts of different countries, although at the time, of course, the US was overwhelmingly of British origin.

Now, of course, within that category of white, there were a million different disputes and differences and everything else, but it still hadn't understood social meaning at that time. And that's really the meaning that I've adopted in writing this book.

Okay, so you're talking about, I've heard different names floated out there. Heritage Americans is one, and I don't know. I think people are trying to find a turn that doesn't get them in too much trouble, and it's very hard.

But I think of George Washington's second inaugural where he talks about all the commonalities Americans share despite their differences, one of those being a common lineage, basically. We're all from the same island in general.

And of course, that's changed. And since we've had, I mean, you mentioned the first Immigration Act, I guess, but we've had several looks at this issue that have changed the demographics. Do you think this was inevitable that we got to the point where the majority, the people who mostly initially were here starting the United States and writing the founding documents would eventually be not just eluded, but perhaps targeted because of our immigration policies?

Or is there something else nefarious going on? Because some people will say that it's just post-modernism or it's just Marxism, or they try to choose a villain.

Immigration, Assimilation, and the Hart-Celler Act

Yeah, I don't think it is inevitable, nor do I think it's a good thing. Now, you kind of alluded to this. We don't have perfect demographic information on US citizens at the time of independence, but a good estimate that I saw sort of by a reputable scholar suggested it was about 85 British in terms of the citizen population at the time, 9 German, and then 6 everything else.

So obviously we've changed a lot from that. I sort of start from the view that satiris paribus, all other things being equal, large amounts of diversity, contra Dan Quayle, who kind of said diversity is our strength, are actually not the strength of American society, that a degree of unity.

And by unity, I don't mean uniformity, but try to have unity in the way that we try to get unity in the church and other things, that at least there's kind of a base that we are working from. And even with the sort of demographic base that we had in the United States, I think it's important to know, we can talk a little bit, if you'd like, about the Nation of Immigrants myth.

I won't get into it now other than to kind of mention it. But up until the 1965 Hart-Celler immigration bill, that bill just radically transformed the demographics of the United States in a way that we had not done previously, even though even with different groups of Europeans, there were questions of assimilation and there were challenges, but Hart-Celler was a dramatic departure.

And I think in many ways, the legacy of Hart-Celler has a lot to do with why we're seeing so much official and unofficial discrimination against white Americans today.

So before, if you don't mind me correcting my understanding or maybe I'm getting this right, before that 1965 Immigration Act, there were certain quotas or percentages, right? Like if you were German, because we had Germans in the Midwest, German Lutherans and so forth, for example, like you had a certain percentage of Germans that were allowed in the country, but no more.

And that changed it in 1965, where now we don't need to keep to those percentages and it's not mainly European, but now it's people from South America and all over the world, is that right?

Yeah, I mean, that's a basic outline. I have a whole long chapter about immigration in the book and it's interesting. So there's like within the chapter, I kind of lay out, the book, the structure is I kind of like lay out the issue basically in the first couple of chapters.

And then I have 11 subject matter chapters and those range from the military to the church, to the business world, to Hollywood, to immigration, et cetera. I mean, there's 11 different ones. And then I kind of close with sort of some thoughts about like why this is happening and what we should do about it.

Of those 11 subject matter chapters, I'm not an expert in all of them, but immigration is one where I really am an expert and I've written a lot on it. So I have a very extensive immigration chapter where I walk through the entire history of kind of U .S. immigration policy.

So just to kind of give the super executive summary, the answer is we didn't have a lot of restrictions at first because it was really mostly British people kind of coming. And then it was sort of Northwestern Europeans coming.

And then we began in the late 19th century to get the first immigration restrictions because the demographics of the people who are coming here begin to change and people are not like uniformly comfortable with that.

Even if they are comfortable with it, they say just like now, gosh, the volume is really high. We'd kind of like to slow it down. So that ultimately culminates after a whole series of debates in by far the strictest immigration policy that we ever put in in the United States.

In 1924, we passed the Johnson-Reed Act. And that basically does just what you touched on. I mean, there are various quotas for national origin and it's based on the 1890 census with an explicit goal of kind of preserving the demographics of the United States as it pretty much had been in 1890.

So it's not saying that we can't have immigrants from other places, but it's saying that we're gonna try to preserve where we were. That was basically where we were until the Hartzeller Bill of 1965, which just opens up everything.

And you begin to get for the first time, massive amounts of non-European immigration.

The Johnson-Reed Act, the Know Nothing Party, and the Chinese Exclusion Act

To the United States.

Of course, things like the Know Nothing Party and the Chinese Exclusionary Act. And so they're vilified today as these were horrible things from the ancient dark ages where we were all bigoted and that kind of thing.

And I wondered if you could just steel man that though for us for a moment, just to show that, okay, it wasn't perhaps whether bigotry was part of this or not in a negative sense, like was there some kind of homogeneity that they figured contributed to stability and we were gonna lose that and it would be bad for us?

Well, very much.

And I mean, I'm not, again, in no way would I suggest that racism, which is to me a universal kind of human characteristic. And I think for those of your readers, I talk about him a lot in the church chapter who have not read Votie Bauckham, I would really recommend his book, Fault Lines, which really is the best treatment of this issue within the church.

I can lean on it heavily in my own chapter. And he talks about kind of racism as a universal human sin and not something, of course, that just applies to white people or black people or anything else.

But it's a kind of, so, I mean, racism was there. And again, I'm not trying to minimize that. At the same time, if you look at the debates over the Johnson-Reed Act, there was even a kind of there's one particularly memorable one.

I don't quote it in the book, but where this guy basically says, hey, I'm not even saying that like we're the best people. I'm just saying we are our people and we don't wanna change who we are. And he kind of goes through all the ways in which he argues like, well, the kind of current American stock is actually inferior to in a lot of ways to these other areas.

But he said that I don't care because they're us, right? And so I think that that was a real, and I think it's a valid way for any community to look into themselves. And again, that's not to kind of defend everything that went on in those debates or to say that everything that resulted from those debates was correct or for things like the Chinese Exclusion Act.

I mean, again, not something that I'm endorsing, but that didn't come out of just like people deciding, hey, I'm gonna wake up and be mean. It wound up because American labor was being brutally undercut by a bunch of robber barons who wanted to bring in very, very inexpensive and whose lives were treated inexpensively, Chinese migrant labor.

And so of course, people who were working in some of these dangerous blue collar jobs who had their wages undercut by that were not pleased by that. And I think this is a totally valid and reasonable way for them to look at the world, even if we don't necessarily approve of kind of where that wound up or some of the racial rhetoric around it.

I mean, again, these are sort of universal human problems. They're not kind of unique, horrible things about white people in America.

Civil Rights Law and Racial Disparate Impact

Well, let's talk about the problem. We're kind of dancing around it, I suppose, but you're writing the book because you're responding to something that's happening. And you'd mentioned the 1965 Immigration Act, I'm assuming perhaps you get into the Civil Rights Acts and then DEI today and open border and all of that.

So we're at a point now where presumably white people are under attack. They're viewed, I think I saw recently, I was at Bloomberg that said like, I think since 2020 corporations, the top 500 corporations or something, they only hire 6 whites, which is dramatic.

So we're at this weird point, I suppose. And this seems to be a problem. I guess first, how do we, well, first, I guess we should say, why is that a problem? Why do you say that that's a problem? And then like, how did we in the last 50, 60 years get to this point?

Sure, and I mean, you mentioned the Civil Rights Act and I don't shy away from dealing with that. And it's actually funny, I was attacked over the weekend by the Biden campaign directly for this book, along with Charlie Kirk, who I was doing an interview with, who's also, of course, a strong Christian.

And they were saying, oh, Charlie Kirk, and implicitly me, because I'm talking with him, wants to repeal the Civil Rights Act, which is not even true. I mean, if you listen to the actual video that they're posting, I don't say any such thing.

Now, I have said that I think the Civil Rights Act was something that was a blunt instrument. I don't see a need to kind of re-litigate the, I mean, there are people, including my colleague Christopher Caldwell at Claremont, who's written a very good book and kind of does re-litigate the Civil Rights Act a little more.

I think you can look at the Civil Rights Act of 64 and say, look, there were very serious problems around race in America at the time. That act addressed those problems. Again, maybe it was a blunt instrument, but I think there's a lot of ways that you can justify it.

What I simply say is, look, a lot of water has passed under the bridge since. We are as far away from when that act was passed as they were from the Wright brothers. And we have a totally different set of social conditions, social problems we're dealing with in this country, and we need to very dramatically rethink our Civil Rights Acts from a place where we're not worried about people getting served at lunch counters, but what we do have is a lot of things.

And you actually just saw this. There's a case literally that came out yesterday of some grocery store chain that was doing criminal background checks on its employees, because they basically didn't want to hire felons, not an unreasonable thing, and is now being sued by the Biden administration.

And the Biden administration will likely win this under the current law, because this is what the law says, because that has a racially disparate impact. There'll be more African-Americans and Hispanics because more of them by percentage are involved with criminal activity, although obviously not most.

So more of them will be involved with crime, and so this is illegal under the civil rights law. That's the sort of stuff that I think we just need to be changing, okay? And we just need to fix these sorts of things.

By the way, there's no imputation on the part of the Biden administration that this was done by, I think it's Sheetz is the name of the company, if that makes sense. It's a big chain, that it was done for racially discriminatory reasons or that they were trying to secretly carve out certain people, but it doesn't matter.

So that's the type of stuff that is out there that I'm trying to deal with.

I think Sheetz is the gas station, if I'm not mistaken.

Yeah, I think that's right. So they're being sued, and they'll probably lose.

Why Anti-White Prejudice Feels So Visible Now

I'm almost certain. That's crazy. Well, people who are listening right now, we're talking to Jeremy Carl about his latest book, and you can get it, actually. If you wanna get it, you can go to amazon .com.

It's called, The Unprotected Class, How Anti-White Racism is Tearing America Apart. And I'll take questions in the next few minutes. You can leave comments on YouTube. Okay, well, Jeremy, we're at a point now, I think, where, since 2020, people have largely seen what DEI does and critical race theory and the Black Lives Matter movement, and they see the anti-white prejudice.

In fact, I turn on my television to watch anything, and the commercials, I noticed this, I suppose, a few years ago, but it got annoying, where if it's a white guy, especially if it's a guy, always in the background, always the villain, like, and you're never the good guy in a situation.

And so, I think, as I'm having kids, this is kind of where it gets real for me, is like, I'm thinking, okay, my son or daughter is gonna grow up in a world where this is the way it is for them. What do I do about that?

And people are moving to other states, and they're trying to figure out a way to escape the consequences of this. What advice do you have for families in that situation where they're concerned? I mean, do you predict that this will fizzle out?

Do you think that this will get worse? What's gonna happen?

Right, well, a couple of things. And first of all, because you mentioned this TV issue, and I have five kids myself, so this is a very real issue. And I think it was one of the, I mean, I dedicated the book to my kids.

I mean, I think it's one of the things that inevitably sort of sharpens your thinking about the stakes of these sorts of matters, right? But I will point out, there's actually, I talked about this in the Hollywood chapter, there's an entire Twitter feed called White People Are Stupid in Commercials, I believe.

And it's entirely dedicated to this thing, which is even a trope within the advertising industry of like the dumb white guy who like messes everything up, and then they're like saved by the enlightened minority.

I mean, this is such a, it's a cliche at this point within advertising. So like, well, what can we do about it? I mean, I think part of why I wrote this book is that I'm not trying to whine to the refs or complain or say, oh, woe is me.

It's like, we need to stand up. As Christians, we need to stand up. As people of all races, we need to stand up. But I think it's particularly incumbent on white people, because if you don't respect yourself, nobody else is likely to come in and respect you either.

And I think there's a lot of fear, and look, I understand that. I didn't wanna write the book. But we just have to say, this is not tolerable. We're not gonna be treated like second-class citizens in a country that was largely founded by our ancestors.

And that's just simply like, that's it. So I think that is probably the biggest thing we can do. Beyond that, you try to move into counter-cultural institutions. So you pay attention to the type of media that your kids are consuming.

That's obviously a part of it. I mean, I think that's always a delicate dance because the world is out there. And I think there could be dangers of sheltering your kids too much. I mean, we send our kids to public school.

I mean, it's not some crazy radical public school, but it is that. And in our church, most of the people don't do that.

They either homeschool,.

Or they send those kids to private Christian schools. But it's sort of a balance of like, we have our very strong church community to sort of give counter-programming, right? So they're sort of seeing what's out there, but they're also getting a strong message about what we believe.

So I don't think there's a kind of hard and fast formula, but I think you can also talk to your kids about it if you have kids, right? Like, and talk about what they're seeing. And I certainly, without trying to kind of put too much of this weight on my own kids, I just certainly talk about it.

And my older kids are kind of, I think, very alert to it because even in Montana, which is one of the most uniformly white states in the country, other than a significant Native American population, we don't have kind of the same depth of these racial problems that I think we had in California where I'd lived previously.

But, you know, these are issues everywhere, and there's no erasing them. There's no getting away from it. And so I think the fundamental first part of the solution has been, has gotta be to sort of stand up.

That's at an individual level. And on a policy level, I've got lots of stuff in the book about things that we should be supporting. And, you know, folks buy the book and read it.

They'll get some of that.

Protected Classes, Civil Rights Enforcement, and the Jesse Helms Ad

Questions are coming in, and they'll continue to come in, keep bringing those. One question for you, Jeremy, that I had, why don't the civil rights and anti-discrimination policies in universities, et cetera, why don't they apply to white people?

Like, why, aren't they supposed to be across the board kind of equal and apply to everyone equally?

Yeah, well, actually it's good, and I'm glad you said it, because technically they do. So the name, The Unprotected Class comes, it's a little bit of a more nerdy name. I was originally gonna call it, It's Okay to be White.

That was, the editors actually loved it. It was too spicy for the sales team. They said, we cannot sell that book into Costco and Walmart, which I think is revealing in and of itself, right? Because there's nothing that should be, it's okay to be black, it's okay to be Asian.

I absolutely believe all those things. It should be okay to be any race. But if you say it's okay to be white, that's seen as this very aggressive, racist statement. So I think that in and of itself kind of illustrates a lot about where we are right now as a society.

But The Unprotected Class, what I did actually call it, is a term that comes from civil rights law. We have this idea of protected classes, and that can include everything from your sexual orientation to your sex, to your disability status, to whatever.

But the biggest thing in that is race. And technically, white people are a protected class. And I'm sure that a lot of the critics of the book on the left will be, aha, like, why are you saying that? In reality, functionally, that's never been the case, or at least it hasn't been the case in decades.

And you can point to some isolated cases, and I mentioned them in the book where this has happened. But really, white people have not traditionally fallen under this, and there are groups like America First Legal, which is Stephen Miller's shop.

Stephen Miller was the head of domestic policy under Trump, has started out, and he's actually beginning now, and as are other groups, Harmeet Dhillon and her, from the RNC, people who are beginning to actually litigate on behalf of white people who are being just completely, obviously, illegally discriminated against.

But the reality is, this sort of illegal discrimination has been going on in plain sight for decades now, and people have not really raised their voices or done legal challenges to nearly the extent.

That we need to.

Yeah, do you remember, I mean, you were probably,.

I don't know, would you be alive?

I think you were alive for it. I wasn't, I don't believe, but in North Carolina, I think it was Jesse Helms, the Hands ad.

Yeah, well, it's funny, I grew up in North Carolina when that ad ran.

Oh, okay.

I was born in 1972. I think that was the 1984 race he did against Jim Hunt, if I'm, or no, it was Harvey Gantt, so it would have been 88 or something.

Yeah, and that's now looked at as one of the racist ads in American politics and catering to our inner demons and so forth. But you look at the ad, and I don't know the background, I wasn't around for it exactly, but it just seems like it's an obvious kind of reaction to what some of this affirmative action policy is what they were doing, and now that's viewed as like, it's just weird to me.

Like that's, it's like, because what he seemed to be implying is that we should have a level playing field when it comes to the workplace, like a meritocracy, and that's viewed as white supremacy now, and it's like, you're gonna be viewed by some as a white supremacist just for saying that we should have, we shouldn't discriminate against whites in these ways.

Oh, absolutely.

I'm sorry, go ahead.

No, no, no, go ahead.

Yeah, I mean, I think the reality is if you're not, if I'm not being attacked by the Biden campaign, if I'm not getting all those attacks, you're not really making a difference at the end of the day. Like if the regime is not turning its fire on you to a certain degree, and obviously we all have different profiles, and there's plenty of people who are higher profile than me and vice versa, but if they're not kind of calling you names and really going after you, ask yourself how effective you're being.

The sort of white hands ad that you're talking about, for those of your listeners who are younger, was an ad that Jesse Helms ran in his Senate campaign against Harvey Gantt, who was the Democrat in North Carolina in the, maybe it was 1990 Senate race, and it sort of showed this white guy losing a job because it went to a minority under affirmative action.

And of course the left has done everything they could to demonize this because you know what? It was effective and true. It's just like the left has tried to do the same thing on the so-called Willie Horton ad that President George H .W. Bush ran, which was an ad that the left absolutely screamed about where Michael Dukakis, who'd been running against George H .W. Bush for president, had furloughed, meaning like let out of prison on kind of weekend passes, this violent murderer, Willie Horton, who happened to be African-American.

And it wasn't even the Bush campaign, but like a super PAC equivalent or something, ran an ad about this and it was incredibly effective. And of course the left shrieked about how racist it was, but of course it was just trying to show very effectively, and Ann Coulter wrote a couple of great columns on this, that like anybody who would do this is obviously not somebody we want to be president of the United States.

So you can be sure that the more they are shrieking about you being racist or a white supremacist or whatever, it's the more effective you're being. And again, God knows my conscience. So I'm not really worried other than in a practical sense with my family about like what the left is saying about me.

I kind of wear their slurs as a badge of honor.

White Identity, Heritage, and the Role of Christianity

Well, there's some questions coming in and I wanna let people ask these. So the first one is from Sabaton 288. Why do people separate the religious component from what a nation even is? Much of the problem with immigrants isn't biological, but cultural and cultural is just religion externalized.

I mean, I think that's a good question because I was gonna ask this. Are you talking just about genetics or are there other things? Like I think of ancestral things, like does it affect my white kids today?

That Thomas Jefferson and Robert E. Lee and whoever else, heroes from the past are ripped down. And it kind of does, but they're attacking a history, a heritage, they're attacking religion, Christianity especially.

Are these things all tied in? How close are they related? That kind of thing.

Yeah, again, another great question. And I think the answer is, it's all of the above depending on the circumstance. And I've had other hosts ask me, to what extent is this just a proxy for an attack on Christianity and particularly white Christians that they don't like?

And I think sometimes it is, but sometimes it's not, but sometimes it is. But a lot of what you're seeing with all of these statues coming down, and again, I write a lot about this in the book, which of course started with Confederate statues, but quickly moved to Thomas Jefferson and even Abraham Lincoln and George Washington.

Christopher Columbus where I am.

Columbus, right? Yeah, I mean, just like totally predictable. Like those of us who kind of knew where this was gonna go, you always start with the least sympathetic target. That's how you do it, right?